
Glass. 



£3_a 



BookjSSiWiif- 



ANTHROPOLOGICAL PAPERS 

OF THE 

American riuseum of Natural 
History. 

Vol. VH. 



SOCIAL ORGANIZATION AND RITUALISTIC CERE- 
MONIES OF THE BLACKFOOT INDIANS. 



BY 
CLARK WISSLER 



NEW YORK: 

Published by Order of the Trustees. 

1912. 



^ 



CONTENTS OF VOLUME VII. 



Part I. The Social Life of the Blackfoot Indians. By Clark Wissler. 1911 1 

Part II. Ceremonial Bundles of the Blackfoot Indians. By Clark Wissler. 

1912 65 

Index. By Miss Bella Weitzner 291 

Illustrations. By Miss Ruth B. Howe. 



Hn ^emoriam. 

David C. Duvall died at his home in Browning, Montana, July 10, 1911. 
He was thirty-three years old. His mother was a Piegan; his father a 
Canadian-French fur trade employe at Ft. Benton. He was educated at 
Fort Hall Indian School and returned to the Reservation at Browning, 
where he maintained a blacksmith shop. 

The writer first met him in 190.3 while collecting among his people. 
Later, he engaged him as interpreter. Almost from the start he took an 
unusual interest in the work. He was of an investigating turn of mind and 
possessed of considerable linguistic ability. On his own initiative he set 
out Xoja0^v the more obscure and less used parts of his mother tongue, 
lirtl^ng, as he often said, formed an ambition to become its most accurate 
translator into English. As time went on, he began to assist in collecting 
narratives and statements from the older people. Here his interest and 
skill grew so that during the last year of his life he contributed several 
hundred pages of manuscript. These papers have furnished a considerable 
I)art of the data on the Blackfoot so far published by this Museum and offer 
material for several additional studies. As they by no means exhaust the 
field his untimely death is a distinct loss. 

To this work Mr. Duvall brought no ethnological theories, his whole 
concern being to render faithfully into English as complete information on 
the subjects assigned as could be found among the best informed Indians. 
Not being in any sense an adherent of Blackfoot religion, he looked upon 
all beliefs and ceremonies as curious and interesting phenomena worthy of 
sympathetic investigation. 



ANTHROPOLOGICAL 


PAPERS 


OF THE 




American riuseum 


of Natural 


History. 




Vol. Vll, Part 


1. 


THE SOCIAL LIFE OF THE BLACKFOOT INDIANS, 


BY 




CLARK WISSLER. 




NEW YORK: 




Published by Order of the 


Trustees. 


1911. 





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ANTHROPOLOGICAL PAPERS 

OF THE 

American riuseum of Natural 
History. 

Vol. VII, Part I. 



THE SOCIAL LIFE OF THE BLACKFOOT INDIANS. 



BY 

CLARK WISSLER. 



NEW YORK: 

Published by Order of the Trustees. 

1911. 

MonoerapB 



E 



ANTHROPOLOGICAL PAPERS 

OF THE 

American Museum of Natural History 

Vol. mi, Part I. 

THE SOCIAL LIFE OF THE BLACKFOOT INDL\NS. 
By Clark ^YISSLER. 

Contents. 

Page. 

Introduction 3 

Tribal Divisions 7 

Courtship ............. 8 

Marriage and Its Obligations 9 

Plurality of Wives 11 

Potential Wives .12 

The Mother-in-Law Taboo 12 

Divorce 13 

Relationship 14 

Names 16 

Bands 18 

The Camp Circle 22 

Tribal Organization and Control 22 

Property Rights 26 

Division of Labor 27 

Birth Customs ....".' 28 

Menstrual Customs 29 

Care and Training of Children ........ 29 

Death and Mourning 30 

''Tales of Adventure 32 

'Heraldry and Picture Writing 36 

Reckoning Time ............ 44 

Oaths .51 

Etiquette ............. 51 

Amusements and Games 53 

1 



Anthropological Papers American Museum of Nalural Ilislory. [Vol. VII, 



Gambling 59 

The Hand-Game 59 

The Wheel Gambling Game GO 

The Four-stick Game . .60 

Bibliography 63 



ILLUSTRATIONS. 



Text Figurks. 



1. Section of a decorated Tipi .... 

2. Selected Figures from a decorated Tipi . 

3. Symbols used in War Records 

4. Methods of recording the Capture of Horses 

5. Highly conventionalized Symbols 

6. A sand Map showing the Course of a War Party 

7. Map recording a Battle 

8. Wooden Tops 

9. A Stone Top . 

10. Top Whip with Lashes of Bark 

11. Gaming Bows and Arrows 

12. A Wooden Dart 

13. The Wheel Game . 

14. A Shinny Stick 
lo. The Four-stick Game 



Introduction. 

In this third paper on the ethnology of the Blackfoot Indians full recog- 
nition should again be given Mr. D. C. Duvall, with whose assistance the 
data were collected by the writer on a Museum expedition in 1906. Later, 
Mr. Duvall read the descriptive parts of the manuscript to well-informed 
Indians, recording their corrections and comments, the substance of which 
was incorporated in the final revision. Most of the data come from the 
Piegan division in Montana. For supplementary accounts of social customs 
the works of Henry, Maximilian, Grinnell, Maclean, and McClintock are 
especially worthy of consideration. 

Since this paper is an integral part of an ethnographic survey in the 
Missouri-Saskatchewan area some general statements seem permissible 
for there is even yet a deep interest in the order of social grouping in different 
parts of the world and its assumed relation with exogamy, to the current 
discussion of which our presentation of the Blackfoot band system may 
perhaps contribute. We believe the facts indicate these bands to be social 
groups, or units, frequently formed and even now taking shape by di\ision, 
segregation and union, in the main a physical grouping of individuals in 
adjustment to sociological and economic conditions. The readiness with 
which a Blackfoot changes his band and the unstable character of the band 
name and above all the band's obvious function as a social and political 
unit, make it appear that its somewhat uncertain exogamous character 
is a mere coincidence. A satisfactory comparative view of social organiza- 
tion in this area must await the accumulation of more detailed information 
than is now available. A brief resume may, however, serve to define 
some of the problems. Dr. Lowie's investigation of the Assiniboine reveals 
band characteristics similar to those of the Blackfoot in so far as his inform- 
ants gave evidence of no precise conscious relation between band affilia- 
tion and restrictions to marriage.^ The Gros Ventre, according to Kroeber, 
are composed of bands in which descent is paternal and marriage forbidden 
within the bands of one's father and mother, which has the appearance of a 
mere blood restriction.^ The Arapaho bands, on tlie other hand, were 



Lowie, (a), 34. 
Kroeber, (a), 147. 



4 Anl/irnpolodical Papers American Museum of Xnlural Ilistor!/. [Xo]. VII, 

iiRTcly divisions in which iiu-iiihcrship \v;is iiilicrittd hut Aid not affect 
marriage in any way.^ The Crow, however, have not only exogainous 
hands hut phratries. The Teton-Dakota so far as our own information 
goes, are like the Assiniboine. For the Western Cree we lack definite 
information hut such as we have indicates a simple family group and blood 
restrictions to marriage. The following statement by Henry may be noted : 
" A Cree often finds difficulty in tracing out his grandfather, as they do not 
possess totems — that ready expedient among the Saulteurs. Tiicy have a 
certain way of distinguishing their families and tribes, but it is not nearly 
so accurate as that of the Saulteurs, and the second or third generation 
back seems often lost in oblivion." - On the west, the Xez Perce seem 
innocent of anything like clans or gentes.' The Northern Shoshone seem 
not to have the formal bands of the Blackfoot and other tribes but to have 
recognized simple family groups.* The clan-like organizations of the 
Ojii)way, Winnebago and some other Siouan groups and also the Caddoan 
groups on the eastern and southern borders of our area serve to sharpen the 
differentiation. 

The names of Blackfoot bands are not animal terms but characterizations 
ill no wise different from tribal names. Those of the Assiniboine, Gros 
\'entre, Arapaho, Cheyenne, and Teton-Dakota are, so far as reported, 
essentially of the same class. It seems then that the name system for these 
bands is the same among these neighboring tril)es of the area and that it is 
an integral part of the whole system of nomenclature for groups of individ- 
uals. This may be of no particular significance, yet it is difficult to see in it 
the ear marks of a broken-down clan organization; it looks for. all the world 
like an economic or physical grouping of a growing population. 

We have seen in the Blackfoot system the suggestion thai tlie band 
circle or camp circle organization is in function a political and ceremonial 
adjunct and that the exogamous aspects of these bands were accidental. 
So far as we know this holds to a degree for other tribes using tlie l)and 
circle.^ 

It seems probable that many discussions of social phenomena could be 
expedited if clear distinctions were established between what is conven- 
tional and what is the result of specific functions and adaptations. T'n- 
fortunately, our ignorance of the processes involved and their seeming 
ilhisiveness of apprehension make such a result wcll-iiigli hopeless. By the 



' Kroi-ber. (b), 8. 

- Ik'iiry. 511. 

» Spinden, 241. 

* Lowie. (b). 206. 

s .See Mooney. 402; Swanton. 06.3: and Cokionweiser, 53. 



1911.] Wisfihr, Blarkfoot Socuil Life. 5 

large, coinxMitional things, or customs, appear to he ])ro(hicts of ideation or 
thinking. Now a t)an(l circle is ckarly a scheme, a conception, that may 
well have originated within the mental activities of a single individual, a 
true psychic accident. Indeed this is precisely what conventions seem to he 
— customs, procedures or orders that happen to become fixed. A band, on 
the other hand, is not so easily disposed of. The name itself implies some- 
thing instinctive or physical, as a flock, a grove, etc. Something like this 
is seen in the ethnic grouping of the Dakota since we have the main group 
composed of two large divisions in one of which is the Teton, this again 
sub-divided among which we find the Ogalalla, and this in turn divided into 
camps, etc. Though detected by conventionalities of language this divid- 
ing and diffusing is largely physical, or at least an organic adjustment to 
environment. Then among the Ojibway we have a population widely 
scattered in physical groups but over and above all, seemingly independent, 
a clan system; the latter is certainly conventional, but the former, not. 
Now the Blackfoot band seems in genesis very much of a combined instinc- 
tive and physical grouping, in so far as it is largely a sexual group and 
adapted to economic conditions. In its relation to the band system of 
government and its exogamous tendency it is clearly conventional. What 
may be termed the conventional band system consists in a scheme for the 
tribal group designated as a band circle. This scheme once in force would 
perpetuate the band names and distinctions in the face of re-groupings for 
physical and economic reasons. Something like this has been reported for 
the Cheyenne who have practically the same band scheme but live in camps 
or physical groups not coincident with the band grouping, hence, their 
band was predominatingly conventional. The following statement of 
the Arapaho, if we read correctly, is in line with this: "When the bands 
were separate, the people in each camped promiscuously and without order. 
When the whole tribe was together, it camped in a circle that had an open- 
ing to the east. The members of each band then camped in one place in a 
circle." ' All this in turn seems to support the interpretation that the band 
circle system is merely a conventionalized scheme of tribal government. 
We have noted that among the Blackfoot the tribal governments are so 
associated with the band circles that they exist only potentially until the 
camps are formed ; at other times each band is a law unto itself. So far as 
our data go something like this holds in part at least, for the neighboring 
tribes. As a hypothesis, then, for further consideration we may state that 
the band circles and the bands are the objective forms of a type of tribal 
government almost peculiar to this area, an organization of units not to be 

1 Kroeber, (b). 8. 



Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. VII, 

confused with the more social cUms and gentes of other tribes to which they 
bear a superficial resemblance. In closing, we may remark that exogamy 
is often but a rule for marriage respecting some conventional groupings. 
The Blackfoot appear to have paused at the very threshold of such a ruling 
for their bands. 

December, 1910. 



Wissler, Blackfoot Social Life. 



Tribal Divisions. 



As previously stated, there are three pohtical divisions of the Blackfoot 
Indians. These were definite when the tribes first came to our knowledge 
and their origins have long had a place in mythology. The genesis of these 
divisions must forever remain obscure, though there are a few suggestions 
as to what may have been the order of differentiation. While the term 
Blackfoot has been used by explorers from the very first, it seems also to 
have some general significance among the Indians themselves. Thus, a 
Piegan will tell you that he is a Piegan, but if asked who are the Piegan, 
will usually reply that they are Blackfoot Indians. Naturally, this may be 
due to foreign influence, the idea of subordination to the Blackfoot division 
having grown out of knowledge that such a classification was accepted by 
the dominant race.^ In the sign language, there appears no distinct desig- 
nation for the group as a whole. According to our information the signs 
are : — 

Blackfoot. Pass the thumb and extended fingers down the side of the 
leg and supplement by pointing to black. 

Blood. Crook the closed fingers and draw across the mouth, the teeth 
showing. The idea is that of picking clotted blood from the mouth. 

Piegan. The closed fist, fingers down, rubbed on the cheek. The 
idea is "poorly dressed robes," the sign signifying the rubbing of a skin.^ 
One informant claims the name to have been given by the Crow because the 
first Piegan they killed wore a scabby robe. 

To the many published stories accounting for the origin of the term 
Kainaw '^ (Blood) we add the following from the Piegan which is entirely 
consistent with the sign. A party of Piegan were found in the mountains 
frozen. They lay in a heap. Afterwards, the Blood taunted them by 
singing, "All in a pile." Some time after this, some Blood were found in 
the same condition but with dried l)lood and froth smeared on their faces. 
Then the Piegan retorted by singing and making the sign. In daily speech, 
the significance of kai seems to be some dried effluvium from the body, 
hence, the name. 

Henry gives a gr(>at deal of information as to the Blackfoot but is not 
quite consistent in his classification, for though he recognized the three 



1 "All these Indians (Piegan, Blood, Blackfoot] are comprehended, by the Whites, under 
the general name of Blackfeet, which they themselves do not, however, extend so far. but 
know each of the three tribes only by its own proper name." Maximilian, Vol. 23, 96. 

2 See also Maclean, (a), 44; Clark, 73, 74. 



o Anthropolocjical Ptipera American Mtt-seuin of Xulurdi History. [\'ol. \'II, 

liistorical divisions in his (Minincration, hf .substituted two "l)iinds" for 
the Hlackfoot; ' thr (old ImikI and. Painted Feather's hand, inii)lyinK that 
these were (Hstinet and strong (Hvisions into which the Blaekfoot were 
divided. This may have been a temporary segregation under two dominant 
leaders. Henry estimated the strength of the Piegan as equal to all the 
other divisions combined, an estimate consistent with all our information 
and with tradition. 

There are some linguistic dilfcrciiccs between the three tril)cs but these 
are chiefly in the choice of words and in current idioms. The Northern 
Blaekfoot .seem to diflFer more from the Piegan than the latter from the Blood. 



Courtship. 

It seems proper to begin the discussion of our subject with those conven- 
tions directly associated with sexual activities. Among the Blaekfoot, 
as everywhere, the male is usually the aggressor. He lies in wait outside 
the tipi at night or along the paths to the water and wood-gathering places 
to force his attentions. This phase of sexual life is often expressed in myths 
and tales, intercepting the girl with her bundles of wood being the favorite.- 
Another maimer of approach is by creeping under the tipi cover into the 
sleeping place of the girls. When countenanced by the girl's family, atten- 
tions may be received by day in full view of all, the couple sitting together 
muffled in the .same blanket, a familiar Dakota practice. Naturally, the 
girl may offer the first invitation. The most conventional way is for her 
to make moccasins secretly for the youth of her choice, this being regarded 
as the first proper step. Curiously enough, when married the young bride 
is expected to make a pair of moccasins for each of her husband's male 
relatives. Then they will say, "\V(>11, my feniaU relative (nimps) is all 
right, she makes moccasins for us." As the wife usually goes to live with 
her husband's people, this is something of a formal demonstration of her 
worth to his family. 

To all appearances, at least, \ irginity is held in very great esteem and 
extreme precaution is taken to guard the girls of the family. They are 
closely watched by their mothers and married ofT as soon as possible after 
puberty'. For a girl to become pregnant is regarded as an extreme family 
disgrace. She will be scolded privately; but none of the family will speak 



Henry and Thompson. 530. 
Vol. 2, .58, 109. 



1911.1 Wissler, Black-fool Social Life. 9 

ot" the matter in pul)lic if it can be avoided, they l)earin,ti- their slianie sih'iitly. 
No special demands are made of the co-partner in lier shaiiic, tlie girl alone 
being the one held responsible. Marriage may result, but the initiative is 
usually left to the man, since he is not regarded as having erred or fallen 
into disfavor. The formal virginity tests and puberty ceremonies practised 
among the Siouan tril)es seem to have no place in Blackfoot society. The 
male lover enjoys unusual liberties. His efforts at debauchery are not only 
tolerated but encouraged by his family and should he lead a married woman 
astray is heralded as a person of promise. Thus, while great pains are taken 
to safeguard young girls, boys are, if anything, encouraged to break through 
the liarriers. 

While the flageolet is a favorite adjunct of courtshij) among many 
tribes of the area, its use in this connection seems to have been ignored by 
the Blackfoot. They did, however, resort to charms and formula known 
collectively as Cree medicine, a subject to be discussed in another paper. 
From what information we have, the pursuit of the female was much less 
in evidence than among the Dakota and other Siouan tribes.^ We found 
no traces of conventional modes of registering concjuests as among the 
young men of the Dakota and Village Indians.- 



Marriage and Its Obligations. 

Before proceeding, it should be noted that the courtship discussed in the 
preceding has no necessary relation to marriage, and may continue secretly 
after one or both are married. Proposals frequently come from the parents 
of either the girl or the man and often without the knowledge of one or 
both of the contracting parties. Mr. Grinnell has described in some detail 
what may be regarded as the most ostentatious form of proposal,^ making 
it unnecessary to discuss the matter here. In general, it appears that the 
negotiations are carried on between the fathers of the couple or between the 
father and his prospective son-in-law. If successful, the next step is the 
exchange of presents. Grinnell denies that there is an idea of wife purchase 
in these transactions,** but when discussing divorce on the following page 
says the husband coidd "demand the price paid for her." According to our 
information, the idea of purchase is still alive, though the woman herself 
may, as Grinnell claims, be regarded as more than a chattel. Even to-day, 

1 Wissler, (b). 

= Maximilian. Vol. 23. 282-283. 

3 Grinnell, 211-216; see also McClintock, 185. 

* Grinnell, 217. 



10 Anthropoloqical Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. VII, 

the l)ri(legn)()m is expected to give a few liorses and other property to the 
bride's parents, and though presents are often sent with the bride, the 
bridegroom must return at U'ast two-fohl.' In former times, it is said, well- 
to-do families prepared the bride with an outfit of horses, clothing, etc., 
and paraded over toward the band of the bridegroom to be met in turn by a 
similar procession and outfit. The chief object here was a parade of wealth, 
that all the people might see the social excellence of the two families; for, 
as just stated, the bridegroom must in the end pay a price over and above 
the mere exchange of presents. 

A Piegan to whom the text was read conunented as follows: — They do 
pay for their women. When a man punishes his woman, he generally 
remarks that he paid enough for her, and, hence, can do with her as he will. 
On the other hand, if a man who gives few presents or pays nothing, becomes 
exacting, the woman's relatives will remark that as he paid little or nothing 
he should desist; they may even take her away and find another husband 
for her. 

There is a l)elief that the father-in-law was for a time entitled to part of 
the spoils of the chase and war, especially the latter. During the period 
between the proposal and the marriage, the hunt was delivered to the tipi 
of the prospective father-in-law and when cooked a portion was carried to 
the young man's tipi by the girl. 

The formal marriage ceremony was simple, the couple taking their 
proper places in the tipi and assuming at once their domestic responsibili- 
ties. The husband was expected to hunt and accumulate horses; the wife 
to prepare the food, make the clothing, etc. He had no great obligations 
to her in his associations with other women; but she, on the other hand, 
must strictly respect her compact. As the hour of marriage approached, 
the girl's relatives gave her a forceful talk on her obligations and the shame 
of adultery. Her attention was called to the important part a virtuous 
married woman may take in the sun dance as well as her fitness to call upon 
the sun for aid in times of trial. She was threatened with death, if she 
yielded to temptation. Formerly, it is said, a wife was often executed for 
committing adultery. Should the husband fail to do this, her relatives 
would often carry it out to save the name of the family. Such executions 
are described as Iia\ ing been barbarous beyond belief. Later, the woman's 
nose was cut off; s(!\(ral women now li\ing bear the.se marks of shame.^ 

' "Thorp is iKi |i;uti(iil;ir luarriaKO ceremony amoiiK the Blackfeet: the man pays for 
the wife, and takes hit- to lihn; the purchase-price is announced to the father of the girl by a 
friend or some other man. If lie accepts it, the girl is given up. and the marriage is concluded. 
If the wife behaves ill. or if her husband is tired of her, he send.s her home without any cere- 
mony, which does not give occasion to any dispute. She takes her property and retires: 
the children remain the property of the luisband," Maximilian. Vol. _>.{. 1 lo. 

' See Maximilian, Vol. 23, 1 1(». 



1911.] Witisler, Blackfool Social Life. 11 

If the husband was a head man, he used his own judgment as to the woman's 
guilt and it is heUeved that the penalty was often due more to his unreason- 
nble jealousy than to real knowledge of his wife's guilt. Yet, in any event, 
the disgrace and shame for the relatives of both husband and wife was so 
great that extreme penalties for mere suspicion were considered justifiable, 
if the interested parties were of some importance in social life. Another 
form of punishment was for the husband to call on the members of his 
society to deal with the woman, whom they debauched in the most shocking 
manner and turnefl out of doors to become a prostitute. Not many years 
ago, a young man called in all his friends, and delivered his faithless wife 
to them for such treatment. 

The lending of wives was looked upon as a disgrace, or at least as irregu- 
lar. A distinction should be made, however, between the favorite wife 
and other wives. These others were often captured women from other 
tribes, violated by a war party before becoming members of a household. 
Such were often loaned by their masters without exciting puV)lic dissent. 
It may have been such women that came to the notice of Henry and excited 
his extreme contempt.^ 



Plurality of Wives. 

There were no restrictions as to the number of women taken to wife, 
but no woman coidd have more than one husband. Economic conditions, 
however, were unfavorable to a household of many wives, so that many 
men kept but a single wife and very few indeed ventured to support as many 
as five. On the other hand, a man of importance was expected to have two 
or more wives, suggesting wealth and resourcefulness. Plural wives speak 
of themselves as niskas (married to the same man) or, if of considerable 
difference in age, as elder and younger sisters. In the normal order of 
events, the first wife is the real, or head wife (she who sits beside him). 
A man may depose the head wife and confer the right upon another; but 
such was regarded as unusual, except where the provocation was great. 
When he went upon a journey, the head wife alone usually accompanied 
him. In the transfer of medicines, she took the woman's part and after- 
wards cared for the bundle. It seems that in this function, at least, she was 
secure from the whims of her husband. Again, there is the belief that the 
marriage obligations demanded more of her; the other wives, especially if 
young, were generally assumed to have lovers among the young nuMi even 
though such was formally forbidden. 



» Henry and Thompson, 526: also Maximilian, Vol. 23, 109. 



12 AnthropohHjival I'ainrs Anirriran Mii.^rnm of .XahintI llistonj. \\\A. \II, 

It is said, tliat soiiictinics llic intimate I'riciids of a Noiiiiii' nian ahoiit to 
marry would ask for the loan of liis wife after marr\iii,ii, Imt that in >ueli 
cases tlie wife rai-eiy yielded to liis reijuests as she was always upheld in an 
appeal to his or her ri-lati\('s. In the absence of other data, it is not safe to 
consider this a sur\i\al of former i)ractices. IIowe\-er, it should Ke con- 
sidered a possible phase of the distant-w ife relations. 



PoTKXTiAL Wives. 

The sisters of a wife are spoken of as "distant-wives" and may be, in a 
way, potential wives, though it is not clear that there was any obligation 
involved when plural marriages were permitted. If a man proved to be a 
good husband, it is said, he might be given the '"distant-wives" in turn, 
but there was no compulsion. The marriage of sisters was justified on 
practical grounds, they being more likely to live together in harmony. If 
there was a twin l)r()tlier, tlie distaht-w'ife relationship applied to him also; 
if not an actual twin but an inseparable companion (nitaks ok kow^ommaul) 
the same term would apply, though in these cases to a less degree. 

There is, however, a curious social custom still in force by which a man 
and his distant wi\-es are expected, on meeting, to engage in Ijold and ob- 
scene jests concerning sexual matters. This is often carried to a degree 
l)eyond belief. Thus, there is not only the same freedom here as between 
man and wife, but the conventional necessity for license. As practically 
all other relati\es by marriage are forbidden the least reference to such 
subjects, the force of the exception is greatly magnified. For example, 
a man will not even relate the obscene tales of the Old Man and other tales 
containing such reference in the presence of his brothers-in-law nor before 
their immediate relatives. If we add to this an eqiuil prohil)ition against 
the presence of his sisters and female cousins, we have marked out the 
limits of this taboo. Thus, it appears that with respect to this taboo, the 
distant-wives are placed in an exaggerated sense in the category of real wives. 
Other familiarities of a man with his distant-wives are strictly improper. 



TiiK .M()Tiii.K-iN-L\\\ Taboo. 

The preceding may be a i)hase of the well-known mother-in-law taboo. 
.Vmong the Hlaekfoot, still, a, man should not speak to his mother-in-law. 
or ( \-en look at her. Th(> taboo is ecpially binding upon her. If one is 
disci)\-ered about to enter the tipi where the other is present, some one gives 



1911.] Wissler, Blackfoot Social Life. 13 

warning in time lo iivoid the breach. Should the son-in-law enter, he must 
make her a present to mitigate her shame; should the mother-in-law offend, 
she must also make a small return. However, as usual with such taboos, 
there are ways of adjusting this restriction when necessary. If the son-in- 
law is ill, she may, in case of need, care for him and speak to him ; upon his 
recovery the taboo is considered as permanently removed. Each may call 
on the other when in great danger, after which they need not be ashamed to 
meet. Sometimes when a man went out to war or was missing, his mother- 
in-law would register a vow that if he returned alive, she would shake hands 
with him and give him a horse and feel no more shame at meeting. The 
son-in-law may remove the taboo by presenting a few captured guns or 
horses. Some informants claim that four such presentations were necessary, 
after which his mother-in-law would take him by the hand and thus remo^•e 
the taboo. She may receive support from her son-in-law but, even with the 
taboo removed, must not live in the same tipi with him, a small one being 
set up outside. It is observable that the presents for removing the taboo 
bear some analogy to those made the father-in-law during the first months 
of married life and may be genetically related to that practice.' 

The counterpart of this taboo does not prevail, since a man need not 
a\oid his daughter-in-law, his association with her being governed by the 
conventions applying to his own daughters. Yet, it is not looked upon as 
quite right for a man to spend too much time at the home of his son. On the 
other hand, for a man to live with his father-in-law, or spend a great deal 
of his time there, excites ridicule. 



Divorce. 

The chief grounds for dixorce from the man's point of \ iiw , are laziness 
and adultery. For these or any other causes he may turn iiis wife out of 
doors. The woman then returns to her relatives where she is cared for and 
protected until another marriage can be arranged. The husl)and usually 
demands a return for the property he ga\e for her at marriage; he is sure 



1 Among the Mandan, we are told, "the mother-in-law never speaks to her son-in-law; 
but if he comes home, and brings her the scalp of a slain enemy, and his gun, she is at liberty, 
from that moment, to converse with him." — Maximilian, Vol 2.3, 283. Among the Assini- 
boine the father-in-law taboo may be so removed. — Lowie, (a), 41. For the Cree we may 
add: — "Amongst our visitors was the son-in-law of the chief; and, according to Indian 
custom, lie took his seat with hi.s back towards his father and mother-in-law, never address- 
ing them but through the medium of a third party, and they preserving the same etiquette 
towards him. This rule is not broken through until the son-in-law proves himself worthy of 
personally speaking to him, by having killed an enemy with white hairs; they then become 
entitled to wear a dress trimmed with human hair, taken from the scalps of their foe.s," 
Kane, 393, 



14 Anlliroi)olo(jic(il I'a/xrs Atncrican Mmouni of Xatiiral Hialory. [Vol. W\, 

to do this if she marries aj;ain. From the woman's point of view, adultery 
does not justify divorce, hut neglect and cruelty may result in ahandonment. 
She flees to her relatives where she is safe from attack. The husband's 
family then opens negotiations with her relatives and an attempt at adjust- 
ment is made. The woman's family usually agrees to another trial, hut 
may finally decide to find her another husband. Then her husband demands 
a settlement and is entitled to ecjuivalent return for what he gave at marriage. 
Thus, formal divorce is really a restitution of the husband's marriage gifts, 
or a refund of the purchase price. 

In general, divorce seems not to have l)e( n common as it was looked upon 
as disgraceful under all circumstances and grievously expensive. The 
behavior of the husband was softened by his knowing that in case of con- 
tinuefl discord his wife's relatives were certain to interfere except she were 
charged with adultery and even in that event would retaliate if the accusa- 
tion was manifestly unjust. 

When the husband dies, the wife usuidly returns to her relatives who 
again arrange for her marriage. 



RkL.\TI()\SH1I'. 

The most important relationsliips in life are given in the accompanying 
table where the equivalents in our nomenclature are given for the Piegan 
terms: first, if the person considered is male, second, if female. In general, 
it appears th;it the terms as applied l)y males to males are more restricted 
and definite tiian those of males to females and females to persons of both 
sexes, though in function the terms are so used as to be equally intelligible. 
Thus, while a girl uses the term, father, in addressing* men jnarried to her 
moth( r's sisters, she does not confu.se this relation with the real one. On the 
other hand, it appears that the system as given in the table is ordered on the 
theory that sisters become the waives of the same man. This is also consis- 
tent with the distant-wife relationship previously discussed. Further, the 
system seems adapted to a gentile band organization in that the relation- 
ships of the women are mon> iiichisixc on the father's sid(>: this, howexcr, 
is not entirelv consistent. 



1911.] 



Winder, Blackfoot Social Life. 



15 



Relationships. 



Terms Significance as Applied to Males, 

nl'nna my father 

niks5'stak my mother and her sistens; 

wives of my elder brothers, 

brothers of my father and of mj 

mother, 
nl'ssa" my elder brothers and all 

those of my mother; the elder 

(to me) sons of my father's and 

mother's brothers, 
ni'nst my elder sisters and elder 

daughters of father's and mother's 

brothers, 
nl'nsta 



nl'skSn 



my younger brothers and 
younger brothers of my father; 
all my younger first cousins by 
brothers of my parents. 



nicinnaua^'s my father's father, my mother's 

father; also can be used for 

father-in-law. 
nitau'ka^s the mothers of my father and 

mother and my father's sister; 

also my motlier-in-law. 



naa'^s my father-in-law, mother-in- 

law; also may be used for grantl- 
parents. 

nimps wives of my sons, younger 

brothers, and younger cousins. 

nIstSmmo'- husbands of father's and 
wak mother's sisters; also my sister's 

husband, 
iltaw'to- 
jombp 



Significance as Applied to Females. 

my father and husbands of my 
mother's sisters. 

my mother and her sisters; 
wives of my father's brothers. 



my elder brothers and all those 
of my father and mother; the 
elder sons of mother's brothers 
and sisters. 



my elder sisters and elder 
daughters of father's brothers and 

sisters. 



my younger brothers and sis- 
ters; all of my younger first 
cousins. 



all my paternal and maternal 
grandparents. Also my father's 
sisters and their husbands. 



wives of my cousins, of mj^ 
brothers and of the brothers of mj- 
mother. 



husbands of my sisters. 



16 An(hn)j>()li)i/it(il I'apcrs Antiriniii Miiseum of Xaliifdl Hislori/. '\ ol. \ 

Tlu'iH' is a peculiar artificial relationship among- boys ^' ' • 
attention. Manx' of them luive a male com])anion from '' 
almost inseparahle. The j)airs are usually of the same age and grow up 
together as it were; they play together, they go to^war togethe they aid 
each other in courtship and in after life call on each ^ther for help and ad- 
vice. These bonds often last until death.' Thett.nis of relatioT ship for 
hrotlu'rs are sometimes used by them and it is not unusual for them to 
assume the equality of twins. Thus, a twin will speak of his ., .-other's w' 
as his distant-wife, a term often used in the same way by 
the relation alluded to above. 

Persons of any age or nationality may be adopted into a f' 
nierly a man losing a son might adopt a yovnig man from his ,. ,i o- omer 
bands, or excn a cai)ti\e, to fill the vacant place; an old ight. 

on her own initiatixc, do the same thing. Very often theboso;. 
of the deceased woidd be recognized as a son by adoption, 
obliterating his true family ties. In late years, a number o*' .te men 
ha\'e been adopted as a mark of respect and in all cases of this kind, the 
Blackfoot expect the nominal su|::)ort of a. son to his pare;;*s. The cere- 
mony of adoption is not as elaborate and fixed as among t>. Dakota and 
some other Siouan tril)es, though a form of this ceremonial rielution is used 
in the transfer of medicines. 



Names. 

Kacli indi\idual has a name. The name is single in that there 's neither 
family nor band name; though some persons, especially, meii, possess 
several names, these are co-ordinate and never used jointl;. The right 
to name the child rests with the father; though he rarely confers it in person 
unless a man of great importance. Uv usually calls in a man of d inction 
who receives presents in return for his services. A woman may be called, 
but less often than a man, be the child \\vd\v or fiMuale. There is no fixc^l 
time for this, i)Ut it is not considered right to defer it many weeks aftt>r Itirth. 
The namer asks to have a sweat house made which he enters, often in com- 
pany with the father and other nun he chances toiinite. After the usual 
sweat house ceremonies, the namer suggests two or three names for con- 
sideration by the family. A selection is then made, the father, in any e\ <• 
haxing the right of final approxal. Prayers are usually offered by the r 

I Mooncy llml.s soiiK'thiiiK similar among the Chcyoiine and makes a vufiiie stat 
as to its wide distribution. Mooncy. 410. However, it is difflcult to eliminate tlie inst'n'iiive 
from tlie conventional in a comparative statement of tliis custom. 



'Ill ' Wisdcr, Blackfoot Social Life. 17 

" :r of the name is regarded as of very great importance since 
....•.;..•■■' ''''i I s doing is believed to influence the fate of the child during 
tne entire spaic^of life. The virtue of the naming is greatly enhanced, if 
'^^e officv ;!tmg person -s one of great renown. 

The naine chosen '^-iny ha^-e various origins. As a rule, it will he the 

name of some person 16'ng dead, if possible one of great distinction. Thus, 

the writer was in a way adopted by a Blood head man, who gave him choice 

'f'two nances', one that of a distinguished warrior, the other of a great 

' '^'' '^'^fftn. If a person living is known to bear the preferred name, it 

lightly modified by the change or addition of attributes. Thus, 

' r*^feay become White Dog, or simply Dog, to distinguish the bearer 

fron^ - ' '^Or of the same name. In all such cases, there is the feeling that 

rjie carries with it some power to promote the well being of him 

' ■ •" ','fdlt is conferred. Again, a father may name the child from deeds 

'''i '^ ■^'A, a,s Two-guns, Takes-the-shield, etc. As a rule, unless he has 

weighty^i^eds to his credit, the father will not himself venture to confer a 

name. As a' ays, there is the feeling that unless the name is of great worth, 

the fates wil ^ adverse to the named. Sometimes, one may have a dream 

or hear a vo" that gives him power to confer a name ; it goes without saying 

that such is 'considered highly efficacious. 

Mothers usually give the baby a special name according to some char- 
acteristic habit or expression. This name is rarely used by others. 

Women seldom change their names but men always do. When the 
youth goes on his first war party his companions give him a new name. 
This name (ften carries with it an element of ridicule and should the youth 
show reiVctance at its proposal it will be changed to Not-wan t- to-be-call ed- 
etc. After the party has returned the family will say to the youth, "Well, 
I suppose ■ 'I have a new name : I suppose it is the name of some old grand- 
mother etv." Then the youth is forced to give his new name which is 
certaiii .o excite great merriment and teasing. Later, when the youth 
performs sOme worthy deed, he will be given a new and more dignified name. 
This will be his name as a man, though subject to change at any time. 
Names are sometimes formally changed at the sun dance by the chief- 
weather-dancer who announces, "Now, if you wish this man to aid you, 

if you call upon him for help, etc., you must address him as . 

His other name is now left behind at this place." At other times the change 

^"lames is less formal and may be at the sole initiative of the person con- 

■ ""f-i 1. In practice, it seems that a man never really abandons a name 

.)|gli always spoken of by the last conferred or current name since he 
"' s^iy that he has two, three, or any number, as the case may be, enumer- 
ating ail those given him during his life. While to ask a man his name is 



18 AnlhropoliK/iriil Pa/wrs American Museum of Xntunil Ilislorij. [\()1. \II. 

\rry rude, he liiinself st'eins free to speak of it on liis own initiative. The 
custom seems to rest upon ideas of politeness, since not to have heard a 
man's name even before meeting him is said to reflect upon his good standing 
among the people. 



Hands. 

Each of the three triljes is composed of hands, kaiyok' kowoiiiiiiostlijaw, 
implying not only bonds of friendship but bonds of blood.' These bantls 
have been discussed by Grinnell who considers them true gentes - though 
he states that in recent times, at least, the adherence to exogamy was not 
ab.solute. For our part, we have met with many contradictory statements 
and observations among the Indians now living, so that we can do no more 
than offer what seems to be the most consistent view of the data available. 

In the first place, while the band is a definite group in the minds of tlie 
Indians and every individual knows to what band he belongs, they manifest 
uncertainty as to how membership is determined and as to its bearing upon 
marriage restrictions. There is, however, no evidence of a belief in a band 
ancestor, human or animal; and, hence, no l)an(l totem. The name of 
the band has no relation to a founder but is supposed to designate, in a way, 
some peculiarity common to the groups as a whole. Thus, the names are 
in theory and kind the same as tribe names — Blood, Piegan, etc. — origi- 
nating normally after the manner of object names in general and apparently 
not in conformity to some system or belief concerning descent or relation- 
ship. 

At marriage, the wife goes to her husband and is considered as l)elonging 
to his band. The general feeling seems to be that the children belong to 
the band of their father. Shoidd the father die, the mother and children 
will go to their relatives best able and willing to care for them, but the 
children will always be called after their father's band. Should the mother's 
relatives in her own band be few and not as able to care for the children as 
the father's people, they remain in the father's band. These relatives may 
live in the same band, but in any event, the mother takes the dependent 
children with her. .Siiould she man-y in another band, as is frequent, her 

> As to the origin of tho term band, used so generally by the older writers and traders 
of this area, we have a suggestion from Keating: "The term hand, as applied to a herd of 
buffalo, has almost become technical, l)i'ing the only one in tuso in the west. It is derived from 
the French term hnmle." Keating, :}7<). We may venture that the use of this term for a head 
man and his following among the Indians of this same area wa.s suggested l)y the analogy 
between the two kinds of groui)s. these old naive observers not being blinded by sociological 
I)reconceptions. 

» Orinnell. 223-224, 



1911.] Wisslrr, Blarkfool Social Life. 19 

children may reside with her in their step-father's band. Tliere is no rvde 
governing cases of this sort and it is said that the children usually go to the 
band in which they have the strongest ties. Yet, they are seldom really 
lost to the sight of the father's band and are often reminded by them that 
they properly belong to their band. Thus, it seems that the bands are in 
part, at least, gentes. Yet a man may change his band even in middle life.^ 

For a man to join the band of his wife at marriage is not unusual. The 
reasons for such changes are usually selfish, in that greater material and 
social advantages are offered, but we have no suggestion of such transfers 
being made with the idea of recruiting a depleted band. A man who changes 
his band may become a head man or even a chief without hindrance, as in 
the case of a well-known Piegan chief now living. Thus, it appears that 
there is no absolute rule of descent in band membership and that what 
bonds exist are rather those of real blood relationship than of an artificial 
system. Further, it appears that continuous residence or association with 
a band is practically equivalent to membership therein. The individual 
seems free to select his band. 

To marry within the band is not good form, but not criminal. Thus, 
when a proposal for marriage has been made, the relatives of the girl get 
together and ha%e a talk, their first and chief concern being the question 
of blood relationship. Naturally, the band affiliations of the contracting 
parties cannot be taken as a criterion since both may have very near rela- 
tives in several bands and cousins of the first degree are ineligible. Should 
the contracting parties belong to the same band but ])e otherwise eligible, 
the marriage would be confirmed, though with some reluctance, because 
there is always a suspicion that some close blood relationship may have been 
overlooked. Thus, while this attitude is not quite consistent, it implies 
that the fundamental bar to marriage is relation by blood, or true descent, 
and that common membership in a band is socially undesirable rather than 
prohibitive. If we may now add our own interpretation, we should say 
that the close companionship of the members of the band leads to the 
feeling that all children are in a sense the children of all tlic adults and that 



» On this point, the following statement of a Piegan informant may be worthy of note: 
A man may go into another band and live tliere if he choose, nothing much lieing said about 
it. Sometimes a man may not hke the chief of his own band and so go to another. There 
is neither announcement nor formal adoption, he simply goes there to live. For a time, it 
may be thrown out to him that he belongs elsewhere but after a while he is always spoken of 
as a member. When a band begins, it may be a group of two or three brothers, fathers, and 
grandfather, or a small family band (which means the same thing) ; later, friends or admirers 
of the head man in this family may join them until the band becomes very large. Bands may 
split in dissention, one part joining another or forming a new one. A new group is soon given 
a name by other people according to some habit or peculiarity. They do not name them- 
selves. 



20 Atilhwpolof/icdl Pajwrs Ameriaut Muneum of Xalural Ilislori/. [Vol. VII, 

all tlif chiKlivn arc brothers and sisters and to a natural repugnance to 
intermarriage. Further, since most of the men in a band are in theory, 
of common paternal descent, even the informal adoption of a stranger would 
tend to confer upon him the same inheritance which as time dulled the mem- 
ory would become more and more of a reality. In any event, the attitude 
of the Blackfoot themselves seems to imply that the band system came into 
existence after the present marriage customs and adapted itself to them 
rather than they to it. 

A woman is called nimps by all members of her husband's band, not his 
actual relati\es. She may speak of all male members of the band older 
than herself as grandfather while the younger males may in turn speak of 
her as mother. Sometimes men of the same age as her husband, speak 
of her as "distant-wife." While this may be consistent with a theory 
of gentile band organization in opposition to other data secured by us, our 
opinion is that it is at least equally probable that these terms were origi- 
nally applied as marks of respect and circumstantial association, and conse- 
quently of little value as indicating the genesis of the band relations. 

We must not permit the question of exogamy to conceal the important 
political and social functions of the band system. As one informant says, 
" the members always hang together at all times." In another place, we 
have noted how the responsibility for the acts of individuals is charged to 
the band as a whole and how all are bound to contribute to the payment 
of penalties and even risk life and limb in defense of a member guilty of 
murder. In such, we shall doubtless find the true function of the Black- 
foot l)and. The confusion as to exogamy seems to arise from the fact that 
blood ties tend to hold the children to the band of the father. 

The tendency is for each band to live apart. When a band becomes very 
weak in numbers or able-bodied men, it takes up its residence beside another 
band or scatters out among relatives in various bands, but this is from 
necessity rather than choice. At present, the Blackfoot reserves are dotted 
here and there by small clusters of cabins, the permanent or at least the 
winter homes of the respective bands. By tradition, this was always the 
custom, though tipis were used instead of cabins. When two or more bands 
choose to occupy immediate parts of the same valley, their camps are segre- 
gated and, if possible, separated by a brook, a point of highland, or other 
natural l)arrier. The scattering of bands diu'ing the winter was an economic 
necessity, a practice accentuated among the Thick-wood Cree and other 
similar tribes. Something was lost in defensive powers but this was doubt- 
less fully offset by greater immunity from starvation. In summer, the 
bands tended to collect and move about, lioth for trade and for the hunt. 
From wliiit infonnatioii we could secure, this seemed to be a natural congre- 



1911.] 



Winder, Blackjool Social lAfc 



21 



gution under the le;ulersliip ot" some popular nuin, usually a head man in 
his band. ^Yhile the tendency was for the bands as a whole to join such 
leaders, it often happened that part of a band cast its lot with one group 
and part with another; however, such unions were usually temporary, 
the whole band being ultimately re-united when the tribe finally came 
together, either to trade at a post or to perform a ceremony. 

Grinnell gives a list of the bands which he implies are to be taken as 
existing about 1860 and this agrees quite well with the information we 
secured. From the foregoing, it is natural to expect changes at any time. 
Since the names seem particularistic in their significance, we give only Mr. 
Duvall's translations. For the Blood and North Blackfoot, our list is less 
complete.^ 

Piegan Bands. 



1. 


Solid-Topknots 


13. 


Many-medicines 


2. 


They-don't-laugh 


14. 


Small-robes^ 


3. 


Worm-people 


15. 


Red-round-robes 


4. 


Blood-people 


16. 


Buffalo-dung 


o. 


Black-patched-moccasins 17. 


Small-brittle-fat 


6. 


Black-doors 


18. 


L^ndried-meat-in-parfleche 


7. 


Fat-roasters 


19. 


Lone-fighters 


8. 


Skunks 


20. 


No-parfleche 


9. 


Sharp-whiskers 


21. 


Seldom-lonesome 


10. 


Lone-eaters 


22. 


Early-finished-eating 


11. 


White-breasts 


23. 


Short-necks 


12. 


Short-necks 










Blood Bands. 


1. 


Fish-eaters 


5. 


Many-children 


o 


Black-elks. 


6. 


Many-lodge-poles 


3. 


Lone-fighters 


7. 


Short-bows 


4. 


Hair-shirts 










North lilackfoot Bands. 


1. 


Many-medicines 


4. 


Biters 


2_ 


Black-elks 


5. 


Skunks 


3. 


Liars 


6. 


Bad-guns 



These lists are doubtless far from being complete. Even among the 
Indians themselves confusion seems to exist as to some names since a band 
may be known by two or more names. Under these conditions we deemed 
the preceding data sufficient to our purpose. Mr. Grinnell explains the 



1 For another list of Blood bands, see Maclean, (c), 255. 
beck, (a). 



For a Piegan list, see Uhlen- 



-- Anlhrnpologicnl Papers American Museum of Natural History. [\'ol. \'II, 

existence of IjuikIs of tlic saiiic name among the varions divisions as due to 
members of the bands leaving their own tribe to live with another. As we 
ha\e no data on this point it must puss, though we see no reason why some 
of the band names may not be older than the tribal divisions. On the other 
hand, some of the translated names for Gros \'entre bands as stated by 
Kroeber are identical in meaning with some of those found among the 
several tribal divisions of the Blackfoot. Again, we are not ready to accept 
unconditionally the opinion of Grinnell that the disparity between band 
ties and blood ties is due to the gradual disintegration of tribal life, having 
previously stated our reasons for assuming the system of blood relationship 
the older form and pointed out that the band is rather political than other- 



TiiE ('.\MP Circle. 

As among many tribes, there was a definite older of camping when the 
circle of tipis was formed. While Mooney may be correct in his claim that 
tile circle of the Cheyenne is their fundamental social organization, it can- 
not be said that the circle of the Blackfoot holds a very close objective 
relation to their organization. In the first place, each division (Blackfoot, 
Blood and Piegan) had its own circle and there are no traditions that they 
were ever combined. Wiien a circle is formed, all visitors from other 
divisions must, like those from strange tribes, camp outside and apart. 
Further, there is a firm belief among the Piegan that the circle was never 
formed except for the sun dance and certain related ceremonies connected 
with the beaver medicine. It seems likely that if the circle were funda- 
mental and not of recent origin, there would be traces of a parent circle and 
vestiges of rules governing its formation. Further, as among the Cheyenne, 
there is no great unanimity of opinion as to the order of the various bands 
in the circle but at the sun 'dance the leading men decide arbitrarily any 
doubt that may exist as to the place of a particular band. The further 
discussion of this point may be deferred until we take up the sun dance 
and its problems. 

The opening in the circle is to the east and the order of bands is enumer- 
ated from the south side of the opening, as in the characteristic ceremonial 
order of tiiowment. The present order for the Piegan is as gi\en in the list. 

TUIUAI. OlUJAMZATION AND CoNTROL. 

In a way, the band may be considered the social and political unit. 
There is, in a general .sense, a band chief, but we have failed to find good 
grounds for assuming that he has any formal right to a title or an office. 



1911.] Wissler, Blackfool Hocial Life. 23 

He is one of an indefinite number of men designated as head men. These 
head men may be considered as the social aristocracy, hokling their place 
in society in the same indefinite and uncertain manner as the social leaders 
of our own communities. Thus, we hear that no Blackfoot can aspire to be 
looked upon as a head man imless he is al)le to entertain well, often invite 
others to his board, and make a practice of relieving the wants of his less 
fortunate band members. Such practices are sure to strain the aspirant's 
resources and many sink under it ; but he who can meet all such demands 
soon acquires a place in the social life of the band that is often proof against 
the ill fortunes of later years. This phase of their social life is very much 
alive, having survived not only the changes in economic conditions brought 
about by the reservation system but the direct opposition of its officers. 
This story is oft repeated: a young man takes to stock raising, accumulates 
cattle and horses, gradually taking into nominal employ all his less able 
relatives who thus come to depend upon him. Presently, he wakes up to the 
situation and entertains an ambition to become the leading head man of 
his band, or even of all bands. Then begins a campaign. He makes 
feasts, gives presents, buys medicines, and supports ceremonies; thus 
making his home the center of social and ceremonial activities, the leader- 
ship of which he assumes. His rivals are stirred to activity also and the 
contest goes on apace. From observation, we believe that bankruptcy 
is the usual result; but, unless this comes at the very beginning of the effort, 
the aspirant acquires enough prestige to give him some claim to being a 
head man for the rest of his days even though he becomes a hanger-on at 
the door of a younger aspirant. 

Thus, the head men are those who are or have been social leaders. 
Naturally, individual worth counts in such contests and he who is born 
to lead will both in matters great and small. In former times, these rival- 
ries often led to assassination and other dark deeds. 

Before the reservation system came in, deeds of the warpath were also 
essential to the production of a head man, for in them was the place to 
demonstrate the power to lead. Great deeds in social and ceremonial 
life would alone elevate one to the status of a head man, though as a rule 
the warpath was the line of least resistance. 

These head men of uncertain tenure come to regard one or two of their 
number as leaders, or chiefs. Such chiefs rarely venture to act without 
the advice of some head men, as to stand alone would be next to fatal. In 
tribal assemblies, the head men of the bands usually look to one of these 
as spokesman, and speak of him as their chief. 

While the tenure and identity of a head man is thus somewhat \ague, 
his functions are rather definite. He is the guardian and defender of the 



24 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [\'ol. VII, 

social order in its l)roa(lest sense. Of this, he is I'nlly conscious; as, for 
example, no man of importance will accept an invitation to visit for a time 
in a distant band or tribe without calling a consultation. Should some 
head men of his band indicate disapproval, the invitations will be declined. 
The theory is that the welfare of his band is endangered by his absence. 
Above all, the head men are expected to preserve the peace. Should a dis- 
pute arise in which members of their band are concerned, one or more of 
them are expected to step in as arbitrators or even as police officials if the 
occasion demand. When it is suspicioned that a man contemplates a crime 
or the taking of personal vengeance some head men go to his tipi and talk 
with him, endeavoring to calm him, giving much kind advice as to the proper 
course for the good of all concerned. If he has been wronged, they often 
plead for mercy toward his enemy. Again, the head men may be appealed 
t:) for redress against a fellow member of the band. In the adjustment of 
such cases the head men proceed by tact, persuasion, and extreme delil)era- 
tion. They restrain the young men, as much as possible, after the same 
method. In all such functions, they are expected to succeed witho\it resort 
to violence. 

For mild persistent misconduct, a method of formal ridicule is .some- 
times practised. When the olfender has failed to take hints and sugges- 
tions, the head men may take formal notice and decide to resort to disci- 
pline. Some evening when all are in their tipis, a head man will call out to a 
neighbor asking if he has observed the conduct of Mr. A. This starts a. 
general conversation between the many tipis, in which all the grotesque and 
hideous features of Mr. A's acts are held up to general ridicule amid shrieks 
of laughter, the grilling continuing until far into the night. The mortifi- 
cation of the \ ictim is extreme and usually drives him into temporary exile 
or, as formerly, upon the warpath to do desperate deeds. 

When there is trouV)le between members of different bands, the head nun 
of each endeavor to bring about a settlement. Thus, if one of the contend- 
ing party is killed, the band of the deceased sends notice to the murderer's 
band that a payment must be made. In the meantime, the murderer may 
have called upon a head -man of his own band to explain the deed. The 
head men then discuss the matter and advise that horses and other property 
be sent over to the injured band at once. .\ crier goes about with the order 
and mcmb(>rs of the band contribute.' This ofVei- may be refused by the 
injured band and a demand made for the culprit's life. No matter how 

I One informant commented on this paragrapli as follows: When the payment is made 
it is through the head men of the bands concerned. The head man of the hand to which 
the wronged party Ix-lon^s is Kiven tiie offerings and he passes on them. Wlien he judges 
them ample, he takes them to the wronged party and tells him to drop the case now since he 
has received full damages. 



1911.] Wissler, Blackfoot Social Life. 25 

revolting the offence, the l)an(l is rehietant to give up the accused without 
a fight. If no presents are sent in a reasonable time, the injured l)and 
assembles in force and marches out. A head man meets them for a confer- 
ence, but a fight is likely. After a conflict of this kind, the band killing the 
greatest number moves to a distant part of the country and when the camp 
circle is formed keeps in sight but far out to one side. This separation may 
continue for a year or more. In all such disputes between bands, the head 
men of other bands may step in to preserve the peace; but, according to 
report, they seldom accomplish anything. 

Taking the Piegan, Blood, and Blackfoot as tribes, we may say that 
there was a head chief for each. His office was more definite than that of a 
band chief, though he was not formally elected. All the head men of the 
various tribes came by degrees to unanimity as to who would succeed the 
living chief, though the matter was rarely discussed in formal council. 
The main function of the tribal chief was to call councils, he having some 
discretion as to who should be invited. Some writers claim the Blackfoot 
appointed two chiefs, one for peace and one for war; but we could find no 
evidence for this, except that some band chiefs came to have special repu- 
tations for ability as war leaders and were likely to be called upon in time 
of need. They were not, however, regarded as head chiefs. While the 
office of head chief was not hereditary, there was a natural desire among 
the chief's band to retain the office; thus it is said that among the Piegan 
most of them ha\'e been members of the Fat-roasters. 

Everything of importance was settled in council. While each band was 
represented there was no fixed membership; yet the head chief usually 
invited those in excess of one member for each band. There seems to have 
been no formal legislation and no provisions for voting. In former times, 
the council was rarely convened except in summer. At the end of the fall 
hunt, the bands separated for the winter to assemble again in the spring at 
some appointed place. Even in summer they would often camp in two 
or three bodies, each one under the leadership of some able-bodied band 
chief, coming together for the sun dance at which time only the whole 
tribal government was in existence. 

The organized men's societies among the Blackfoot were, when in large 
camps, subject to the orders of the head chief or executive of the council 
and on such occasions seem to have exercised the functions of the head men 
of the respective bands. This subject will be taken up under another head, 
but it is a matter of some interest to note how% when such camps were formed, 
the head men of the bands were merged into a council for the whole and the 
men's societies became their executive and police agents under the direc- 
tion of the head chief. Thus, when there was danger, certain societies were 



2(1 Aiithwpolixjicdl I'ajtcrs Americdn Mu.<<vu)n of \<ihir<il I{i><lory. [Vol. \'1I, 

(IftaikHl to liuard duty, especially at iiii,dit. As tlie cliief aim of an organized 
summer camp was tt) hunt hutl'alo and the success of a general hunt depended 
upon successful co-operation, -the discipline was devised to that end. The 
head chief gave out orders for making and breaking camp, and rules and 
punishments were announced. Thus, a man found rimning buffalo or rid- 
ing about outside without orders might have his clothes torn off, be deprived 
of his arms, his horse's ears and tail cropped. Should he resist, he might 
be quirted and his hair cropped. His tipi and personal property might l)e 
destroyed. However, these were extreme punishments, it Ijcing regarded 
as best to get along l)y persuading the would-be wrong-doer to desist. The 
punishment inflicted by the members of societies were not personally re- 
sented, as they were acting entirely within their rights. As to whether the 
men's societies were police by virtue of their own membership, or whether 
they were individually called out to form an independent body is not cer- 
tain, but will be discussed elsewhere. 

.\ long time ago Nathaniel J. Wyeth ' set down some interesting theories 
concerning the economic reasons for the unorganized state of the Shoshone 
in contrast to the buffalo-hunting horsemen of the Plains. He doul)tless 
sensed a truth in so far as the camp organization of the Plains is considered 
as a type of government having for its chief function the supervision and 
conservation of their immediate resources. Perliaps of all cultural phases 
in this area, the one most often detailed in the older literature is the organi- 
zation and control of the camp when pursuing buffalo. So far as we have 
read, the accounts for the different tribes are strikingly identical and agree 
with the data from the Blackfoot. In most every case, the horse, the tipi, 
the camp circle, and the soldier-band police were present, even though the 
participants, when at home lived in houses and cultivated corn. That the 
camp circle, or band circle, is a special type of tribal political organization 
in this area seems obvious. It would be suggestive to know just how .some 
of the tribes having clan organizations adjusted themselves to this scheme 
when using the circle.' 

Property Kiciits. 

\\ hen a man dies liis i)roperty is raided by the relatives. The older 
sons usually take the bulk but must make some concessions to all concerned. 
If the children are young, the father's relatives take the property. In any 



> Schoolcraft. 20.5-228. 

2 We have heard that the WlnnebaRO used a provisional band scheme for the circle, 
••mirely independent of their rcfjular social organization and in conscious imitation of the 
Dakota. If this proves correct, it will throw some liKht on the whole problem of bands and 
camp riroU's. 



1911.] Wissler, Blackfool Social Life. 27 

event, nothing goes to the widow. She may, howexer, retain her own 
personal property to the extent of that brought with her at marriage. She 
may chiim, tliough not always with success, the offspring of her own horses. 
These are horses given her by her relatives and friends. Though not clearly 
thought out, the feeling seems to be that as the widow returns to her band 
she is entitled to take only such property as she brought with her at marriage. 

At the death of a wife, her personal property is regarded as due her 
relatives, and may go to her daughters, if grown, otherwise back to her band. 
Theoretically, at least, the woman owned the tipi, the travois, the horse she 
rode, her domestic implements and clothing. Even to-day, when the white 
conception of property tends to dominate, a man seldom speaks when his 
wife bargains away her own hand-work, bedding, and house furnishings. 

Formerly, disputes concerning property were taken to the head men 
for adjustment: now the settlements of estates go to the authorized Indian 
court. Property was bequeathed by a verbal will. A man would state 
before witnesses and his relatives what horses and property were to go to the 
wife, to the children, etc. At present, written wills are sometimes executed 
to protect the family. Under the old regime, the relatives sometimes dis- 
regarded the wishes of the deceased and left nothing for the widow and 
children; but, if a woman of good character with many relatives, she was 
seldom imposed upon. 

In the division of meat from a co-operative hunt, the best cuts went to the 
chief, the medicine men, and the owners of medicine pipes. This is some- 
what at variance with the usual democratic way of doing things and bears a 
striking resemblance to a similar custom among the Western Cree. In an 
individual hunt anyone approaching a man engaged in butchering was given 
meat, sometimes even the last piece. However, he was certain of being in- 
vited later to eat. 

Division of L.\bor. 

The women dress the skins, make their own clothes and most of those 
used by men. They make most of their own utensils: the tipi, the travois, 
the riding-gear, prepare and cook the food, gather the vegetables and berries, 
and carry the wood and water. As the greater part of the baggage, when 
travelling, is their property, they bear the burden of its transportation. 
It is a disgrace both to himself and his women, for a man to carry wood 
or water, to put up a tipi, to use a travois, to cook food when at home and 
above all to own food or provisions.^ While the men usually did the butcher- 

1 An informant states that this applies especially to married men: that in some cases a 
young single man is called upon to get water after dark, or at any time when it is very cold, 
a woman may call upon a yoimg man to get wood . 



2S Atithropologiral /-"a/^cns Ameriain Mu.^eitni of Natural History. [\\>\. Ml, 

iiifi, the meat dh arriving; at the tipi l)eeanie the property of the women. 
A young man may cook food but in seclusion. There is a pretty tale of a 
young fellow surprised hy his sweetheart while cooking meat. He threw 
the hot meat into the hcd and lay upon it. The girl embraced him and 
fondled him while the meat l)urned deeply into his Ijody; but he did not 
wince. 

In the tipi, a man .seldom rises to get a ch'ink of water but calls on the 
women to hand it to him. The men often make their own ornaments and 
sometimes their leggings and coats. The painted designs upon men's 
robes and upon tipis are made by men; those upon parfleche and bags are 
by women. 

Birth Customs. 

As the period of pregnancy nears its end the women discard their 
bracelets and most of their metal ornaments. They dress in old clothes 
and affect carelessness of person. Should a person look fixedly at one, she 
will say, "Don't. ]My child will look like you; you are ugly," etc. As 
the hour approacht>s, tlicy retire to an isolated tipi where they are attended 
by other women, men not being admitted. A medicine woman may be 
called, wlio usually administers decoctions for internal use, supposed to 
facilitate delix'ery. For bearing down, the j^atient holds to a pole of the 
tipi, an attendant grasping her around the waist. When delivered she is 
laced up with a piece of skin or rawhide as a support. She is then required 
to w'alk or creep about in the tipi for a while instead of resting (juietly, in 
the belief that recovery will be hastened thereby. The after-birth is thrown 
away and not placed in a tree as among the Dakota. 

Men should not approach the birthplace for a period as their medicine 
and war powers would be weakened therel)y. The father may enter but 
at some risk. It is bad luck for men to step upon the clothing of the newly 
born or touch those of the mother; lameness and other disorders of the feet 
and limbs will surely follow. 

Birth marks are regarded as evidences of re-birth. Boys so marked are 
believed to be returned warriors bearing honorable scars. Twins are neither 
regarded with suspicion nor especially favored. ^Vhat data we have seem 
to be against infanticide even in the case of great deformities. Tales 
emphasizing the enormity of the. crime arc told of mothers to whom sus- 
picion attributed the death of such imfortunates. The still-born, it is 
belie\-ed, will be born again. 



1011.] Wissler, Blackfoot Social Life. 29 

Menstrual Customs. 

There is no special taboo upon a menstruating woman requiring her to 
live apart but she is not supposed to come near the sick. The belief is 
that in such a case something would strike the patient "like a bullet and 
make him worse." Further, at this time, women are supposed to keep away 
from places where medicines are at work. These restrictions also apply 
to immediate associations with men and to women lax in virtue. 



Care and Training of Children. 

Large families seem not to have been unusual though I have ne^•er seen 
many children with one woman. Some old men now living claim to be 
fathers of more than twenty children each, though not by a single mother.^ 
The young children, at least, receive considerable attention and some 
discipline. They are sometimes punished by a dash of cold water or a 
forced plunge. In former times, some old men were charged with responsi- 
bility for each boy's morning bath in the stream regardless of temperature; 
hence, children were admonished that these men would get them. Striking 
a child is not regarded as proper. The favorite boggie is the coyote, or the 
wolf. Women will say, "Now, there is a coyote around: he will get you." 
Sometimes they say, " Come on wolf and bite this baby." Such words often 
compose lullabies, a favorite one being, " Come, old woman, with your 
meat pounder smash this baby's head." After the use of intoxicants be- 
came general, children were threatened with a drunken man. 

From the first, children are taught to respect all the taboos of the medi- 
cine bundles owned by the family and those of their relations and guests. 
Girls are taught to be kind and helpful, to be always willing to lend a hand, 
to be virtuous and later, to respect their marriage vows. Special stress is 
laid upon virtue as a "fast" girl is a disgrace to all her relatives. All chil- 
dren are expected to retire early and rise early. They must respect the 
words and acts of the aged and not talk back to elderly people. They are 
taught to take "joking" gracefully and without show of temper. All 
"tongue-lashing" is to be taken quietly, without retort. Should a child 
be struck by his equal, to retaliate in kind is proper. All requests for ser- 
vice or errands made by elders, are to be rendered at once and in silence. 
The ideal is the child that starts to perform the service before it is asked ; or, 

' "These Indians often have many children, who generally nm and play about quite 
naked, and swim in the river lilce ducks. The boys go naked till they are thirteen or fourteen 
years old, but the girls have a leather dress at an early age." Ma.ximilian, Vol. 2.3, 110. 



•SO Aiil/iropoloi/iciil Papers Anicrictin Muneiun of Xalnnil lUstonj. \\o\. \1I.. 

it' asked, hct'orc the last word of the speaker is uttered. Talkativeness is 
almost a crime in the i)resenc'e of elders. The ideal is he who .sits quietly 
while the adults talk. If he is teased, he may smile hut not speak. Above 
all. when grown up, he should he self-eontrolled as well as firm and brave. 

Hoys were taujjht to eare for the horses and to herd them by day: girls 
to carry wood and water and to assist with other children and household 
duties. Before marriage, girls must be proficient in the dressing of skins, 
the making of garments, and the preparation of food. About the time of 
puberty, boys are expected to go to war. Singly or in pairs they may get 
permission to accompany a war party, provided they have shown efficiency 
in hunting. .\t such times, they receive new names, as previously stated. 
While the boy is expected to go to war, his family not only uses persuasion 
to keep him at home, but often forbids his going. In any event, he gets 
permission or goes secretly. It is said, that in this way the virtue of both 
parents and sons is shown. 

We failed to find definite evidences of i)uberty ceremonies aside from the 
boy's change of name. Certain other small ceremonies may be noted. 
Often when a child takes its first step or speaks its first word, the parents 
are adroitly reminded that it is their duty to do something. Then they give 
out presents or make a feast to which all the relatives contribute. Ear- 
piercing is also somewhat of a ceremony and may be accompanied by a 
display of wealth, except wdien performed at the sun dance. An old wonum 
is called for this service and, in imitation of a warrior counting coup, calls 
out just before piercing an ear, " I ha\ c made a tipi, worked a robe, etc., 
with these hands." 

Dkath a.nd MoiRNi.Nt;. 

Wiien one is taken ill the family sends for a medicine man, j)romising 
him a horse. If the family is of some importance they may call in a number 
of such men, to each of whom a horse is promised. They sit around the 
tipi and work their magic powers in turn while their women assist with the 
songs. Food and other comforts must be provided for them and their 
enthusiasm stimulated by gifts of additional horses. \ long acute illness 
will deprive the family of its accinnulated property. Often a man will 
tell you that he is very poor now- since he or some of his relatives have been 
ill for a time. Medicine men usually permit the family to keep the gift 
horses until needed and often transfer, or sell, their claims to a third party. 
Should the patient die, they leave at once, often taking with them all the 
Ioo.se property of the famil\-. 

If a person dies in a house it is aliandoned, or aft<Twards torn down and 



1911.] Whder, Bluckjool Social Life. 31 

erected elsewhere, as the IMtu-kfoot heheve the j^host of tlie deceased haunts 
the spot. Should a young child die, the house will be abandoned for a time 
only. In former times, the tipi was abandoned or used as a burial-tipi. 

When all hope for the patient is abandoned, he is painted and dressed 
in his best costume and, at present, often taken out of the house to a tipi 
so that it may not be necessary to tear down the building. After death the 
body is wrapped in a blanket, formerly in a robe, and buried within a few 
hours. ^ 

In recent years, the Indians have been forced to use coffins and to 
practise interment. These are placed upon high hills and barely covered 
with earth and stones. No effort is made to mark the spot and fear keeps 
all the mourners far from the place. Indeed, it is difficult to persuade any 
one to go near a known burial site. Some distinguished chiefs rest in houses 
built on lonely hills. In former times, tree burial was common but now 
rare, only one example having come under our observation. A person of 
some importance was placed in a tipi on some high place. The e.dges of the 
tipi cover were often weighted down with stones, circles of which are often 
met with on elevated positions. Persons usually make requests of their 
families that certain personal belongings are to be Inn-ied with them. Some- 
times the request is for a horse; in this event, one will be killed at the burial 
place. It was quite usual for the tail and mane of a man's favorite horse 
to be cut at his death. 

At death, or its announcement, there is great wailing among the women, 
who gash their legs and often their arms. Their hair is cut short, a practice 
often followed by the men. Such hair should be thrown away and not 
handled or used for any practical purpose. Women may wear a single 
bead over one ankle for a time. In former times, a man would take to the 
warpath and go along indifferently, neither seeking enemies nor avoiding 
them if encountered. At present, they go on a long visit to some distant 
relative. If a man owning an important medicine bundle loses a dear relative 
he may be moved to cast it into the fire or otherwise desecrate it because 
of its failure to prevent death; hence, a person once owning such a bundle 
takes it away at once. After a time, medicine men approach the mourner 
with suggestions that it is well to take up the care of his Inindle now. When 
he consents, a sweat house is made and after the ceremony, the mourner is 
painted and newly dressed. The medicine bundle is then brought into his 
tipi and he resumes his former functions. While the preceding is the normal 
order of events, men have been known to destroy medicine l)undles in the 
face of great opposition. 

> See Maximilian, Vol. 23, 121. 



32 Atithropological Papers Atnerican Mufieum of Xa()iral fFislory. [\'ol. \'II, 

During tlu' mourning period — an indefinite time — the man may dress 
in tlie meanest possible elothes, neglect his hair and person, and live in a 
small dilapidated tipi. However, there seems to be less formality in this 
than among the Dakota, and the spectacular aliandonment of the mourning 
state often observed among the Teton is wanting. 

In this connection, may be mentioned a practice not unlike "running 
a-mok," though apparently without mania. A man realizing that he is the 
victim of an incurable disease may with more or less deliberation arm him- 
self and attempt the life of all persons he may meet. He will announce that 
as he must die, he expects to take as many with him as possible. The records 
of the reservations will show a number of killings brought about in this way. 
Thus, a man took his wife out to a small hill, shot her and took his stand 
against his pursuers, whom he held at bay to his last cartridge with which he, 
though badly wounded, took his own life. An attempt of this kind came 
under the observation of the writer while camping with a Blood band. A 
young man suffering from consumption, slightly intoxicated and threatened 
with arrest for disorderly conduct, announced to his family one night 
that he expected to kill all of them and as many of the camp as possible. 
Fortunately, while he attacked his wife with a knife, his rifle was spirited 
away and the camp aroused; yet, as he kept out of reach, it was necessary 
to hold him off with guns until dawn, when he fled in terror of capture alive. 
Many officials attribute such outbreaks entirely to intoxication, but the 
evidence we have gathered indicates that there is a conventional side to 
the practice and a strong probability that it is a variant, and in some 
respects a survival, of taking to the warpath. Officials and many Indians, 
respect the convention to such an extent that every effort is made to prevent 
persons fatally afflicted becoming aware of the fact until near the hour of 
death. The writer found a similar practice among the Teton, though it 
seemed that one life is regarded as sufficient, the doomed man usually tak- 
ing his own life after a short intcr\al. 



TAL^.s OF Adventire. 

Many Hlackfoot nun now but a half-century old took part in raids and 
fights, or went on the warpath, so that now, as of old, deeds of war are 
important social assets. In former times, only men of great deeds were 
called upon to perform certain i)ublic and ceremonial functions, a custom 
still in force but naturally less binding. While there arc other social 
ideals, such as owning important medicines, becoming a head man and pos- 
sessing wealth, that of being a successful Avarrior can scarcely be over- 



1911.] Wissler, Black foot Social Life. 33 

estimated. The tale of adventure as told by the chief actor is the delight 
of the fireside and entrances old and young alike when delivered by a skil- 
ful narrator. Other tales, those of tradition and hearsay, are seldom 
offered as it is the custom for one to narrate his own experiences, a rather 
high ideal of truthfulness being entertained. Of course, there are historical 
traditions, but they are usually given in brief without much life. Adven- 
tures with animals and of the hunt have a place, but are of far less social 
significance. The following is offered as a type of war narrative and also 
because it gives a \ery clear picture of just how an expedition for plunder 
was conducted. It was narrated l)y Strangle Wolf, a \ery old man, and 
recorded by Mr. Duvall. 

It wa.s in the fall of the year. I was livinp; with Lazy Boy, for he was an uncle 
of mine. Lazy Boy was one of the chiefs of the Blackfoot Indians. In the evening, 
Lazy Bo.v said to me, "Strangle Wolf, we will go out for some Assiniboine horses." 
This meant, of course, to steal them. "I have plenty of extra pairs of moccasins. 
We shall need them, for we are going to travel on foot." 

Somehow, Lazy Boy's father-in-law, Heavy Shield, heard of this, came over that 
night, and said to him, "Lazj^ Boy, you must not go this time. You can come over 
in the morning and take my best horses; I don't want you to go. I have Iiad bad 
dreams." 

Then the old man r.eturned to his lodge. Lazy Boy only laughed and said to his 
wife: "Go tell your father that I won't listen to him this time. I must go and get 
some horses to give him, for the Indians never give him any even when they have 
many. Another thing is that I have my party ready and will start in the morning." 

In the morning, we all started. There were thirty of us in the party. Lazy Boy 
was the leader. He was noted as a fast walker, and asked me to take the lead with 
him. Lazy Boy fell to telling me about things he said I ought to learn. He said, 
"Whenever you are out with a war party, as we are now, and all are on foot, you 
should keep close to the leader, for if you hang back at the tail end you will always 
be in a trot to keep up with the others; but if you are in the lead you can keep the 
gait and not become tired so soon." Another thing he said to me was, "When we 
get to the Assiniboine camps, you must try to get the horses tied close to the lodges 
for they are the best horses. The Assiniboine always keep up their best horses at 
night while they drive the others out to the hills." 

We went down the Missouri River. The game was jilentiful. Buffalo and elk 
we saw on our way, so we did not go hungry. Everyone had a little pack of meat on 
his back and his extra pairs of moccasins. When the sun went down we camped for 
the night. We made three lodges with sticks and bark. After we had cooked and 
eaten some meat, the chief said we must sing the wolf songs. These songs are sup- 
posed to give us good luck, on a trip, i. e., if we truthfully tell what our sweethearts 
said when we left them. Each man is su])poseil to sing a song in which are a few 
words his sweetheart said to him. 

After we got through singing, all went to sleep. In the morning, we all started 
out again. When the .sun was high, we saw something a long way off resembling a 
person. The Chief said, "It must be an Assiniboine. We must go after him and 
kill him." So we all ran toward him, and as we approached he seemed to be making 



34 Anlhropoloffical Papers American Museiivi of Xalural History. [Vol. \"II, 

signs to us. When we got up to it, we found out that it was a black stump with its 
black branches sticking out like arms. As we all went on, I heard some of the men 
say that it was a bad sign. 

We travelled many days and night f, until wo came to a lot of timber along the 
river. It was snowing and very cold. The Chief always kept two men ahead to look 
over the tops of the liigh hills, so that we would not run into some of the A.s'sinihoine 
that might be waiting for us. At this place we all stopped and the chief calkd out 
to two men, "You go across the river to see if you can find out just where the Assini- 
boine camps are. We must be close to them now. We will wait for yoti here." 
The two men took off their clothes, tied their leggings and shirts around their heads 
so as to be able to put them on dry when they got across. The river was wide and 
deep and the two men swam across. We all waited. When the sun was getting 
down close to the mountains, Chief Lazy Roy .said to one of the men, "Why can we 
not cross and wait for them there? It is too cold for the two men to swim back again " 

So we all got a few poles, tied them together and put a rawhide on top of thrm. 
Then we put our clothes and guns on top of that. Then four men tied ropes to the 
raft and taking the ends of the ropes in their mouths swam across. When we all 
got across the chief said, "Although we are very cold we must not make a fire, for 
we are close to the camps. They would see the smoke." 

The sun had just gone down when the two scouts came back, sajing to the chief, 
"We saw two men leading their horses down to the river Their horses were loaded 
with meat, so the camps cannot be far off." We waited here a long time until it 
stopped snowing. The moon was shining brightly. A little later on we heard dogs 
barking. It was nearly morning when the Chief said, "Come, let us go, it is nearly 
daylight." All went on until the Chief stopped, when we all stopped beside him. 
He took a stick and, beating time with it on the barrel of his gun, sang his war song, 
looking up at the moon. Once he used the following words: "Elk woman, try your 
best." When the Chief had finished, the others in turn sang their war songs. Then 
we all started again. After we got close to the camps the Chief told me to go back 
and tell two of the men to come with him, but for me to stay back with the others. 
He said, " We shall go through the camp to find out where the best horses are. Then 
we shall come back to inform you, and then we can all go together." I told the two 
men and they went off with him, while the rest of us stayed in the brush. About 
daybreak, we heard a sound as if someone were riding along. Some of the men 
said it was a loose horse. One of the men went out to look for signs of our party. 
At the time the chief left us, four men from our party followed him. Thus there 
were seven. It is believed to be unlucky when there are only seven in a war part)-. 
Any way, it proved to be at this time. It was just daylight when we heard three 
.shots, and at the same time the men who went out came back to us saying, "You 
said that was a loose horse we heard, here is what its rider lost." He carried a gun- 
sack, ramrod, and a saddle blanket-- We all got up and ran up the river as fast as we 
could. We had not gone far when we heard more shooting, war whoops, and gallop- 
ing horses. We kept on until we got to a place where there was thick timber. We 
stayed there all daj'. We heard no more noise for we were now too far away. When 
night came we all crossed the river and travelled part of the night until we came to 
one of our old camping places. Our brush lodges were still there. We had planned 
to meet there after we got our horses. We saw a light in one of them and when we 
went in we saw one of the men who was with our Chief. He got up, shook hands 
with us all, and then began to tell about it. He said, "When we all got near the 



1911.] Wisder, Blackfoot Social Life. 35 

camps, we met an Assiniboine who ran back into the camp. Then we started back 
to where we had left you. We had not gone far before we heard three shots. We did 
not go fast, but when we got to where we had left you we saw that you were gone. 
Then the chief said that you must have crossed the river. So we began to cross too. 
We were just about in the middle, when the Assiniboine came upon us, and began 
to fire. When we got across a number of the enemy were there for their horses could 
swim faster than we and of course they headed us off. Then we had a fight. There 
were only three guns for us to fight with for while we were crossing four of the men 
lost their guns in the water. Two of our men were killed at the beginning of the fight. 
Our Chief kept encouraging us saying that we must fight and die bravely for some 
day our people would hear of our sad end. All this time dirt was flying around us 
where the bullets struck. The smoke of the guns was like a fog a little above our 
heads. The Chief was shooting and talking to the Assiniboine, telling them that 
many of them would fall before the last of us. We kept them away as much as we 
could, but sometimes they would try to run us down with their horses. After we 
wounded several of them, they kept at a distance. When the sun was getting close 
to the mountains, our Chief was killed. Our ammunition was nearly all gone. 
There was a loose horse near by. I jumped on him and rode away. Then the 
Assiniboine took after me. When I got to some thick brush, I jumped ofT the horse 
and ran into the brush. They took the horse and went back. Then I came on 
afoot. That is how I come to be here with you now. 

We all lay down to rest for. the night and about daybreak started home. Just 
then the other three men came along. They got away from the Assiniboine after 
dark. We travelled on for many nights and days until we reached home. 

When we got home we stopped on a hill near the camp, but did not sing the song 
of victory. We gave the sad sign that three warriors had been killed. One of our 
men stood out alone, took three robes and, while the people in the camp were watch- 
ing, threw them away one by one. Then the Indians all knew that three of our 
party had been lost and came running out to meet us. 

Of a somewhat different character were the adventures of INIany White 
Horses as narrated a short time before his death : 

The Piegan were in camp at Ft. Benton. Rations gave out, so they broke camp 
about sundown and pitched again after dark near some brush. I planned to go on a 
raid against the Flathead for horses. Next morning, a large party joined me and 
we went on to High Wood where we met and camped with a white man and his 
Indian wife. I traded my black and red blankets for his white ones. We followed 
the south bank of the Missouri, the berries were ripe, game was plenty and fat and 
the journey was pleasant. We followed up the Bear Tooth, or South Fork, where 
the railroad runs now. When one day's march from the Flathead country, a storm 
came up, and beat the tall grass down flat. In jest, I said to Calf Necklace, "Let 
us go on alone. I believe that when we get out the wind will go down." Soon we 
came to an open country and to a cliff. Looking over we saw a river and a Flathead 
camp. We returned to tell our party but lost them. We could not trail them as the 
grass was down. Then we gave the call for having seen an enemy. The party 
answered and soon joined us. Then we made a medicine smoke and gave prayers 
for success. 

I have a war-bonnet with four songs. When transferred to me, my face was 
painted and the songs taught. When near the enemy I go through this in the same 



36 AitUiropoloqical Pftjxrs American Miis(ii>n of Xalitml Ilislori/. [\'ol. \'II. 

way. 1 painted my powder liorn and })ullet pouch. I carried two awls, mending 
materials and extra moccasins. 

There was no moonlight that night. \\'e walked down to the Flathead camp and 
found some of them still awake. Nearly all were drunk and had not tied up their, 
horses. One horse, however, was tied to a tipi pole, a striped pinto. My party 
scattered every one for himself. Some had guns, some bows. The horses were wild 
so they were run up a hill into brush. The men now worked by twos and threes 
driving five to ten horses each. After we got into the brush some were caught. I 
mounted at last. I decided to follow the ridge of the mountain. The way was 
rough and many of our horses got away. I went in the lead to pick the way. It 
snowed and made going slow. At last we lost the way and stopped to rest and 
repair moccasins. Soon the weather cleared and we found the top of the ridge 
but the snow was very deep. It took us all the next day to reach the gap at Sun 
River Pass. The next night we started down to the plains. Two of my men got 
very tired and sleepy so we stopped to rest them. All lay down, but overslept 
and awoke at dawn. When I awoke I called out and all jumped up scared. I was 
angry with myself. Our horses were gone. 

Now, it seems that when the Hathead discovered their loss, a party set out on 
our trail. While we slept they passed near and camped far in advance in a little 
valley. Our escape was certainly due to my songs and medicines. 

We found most of the horses and started on. As I learned afterwards, the 
Flathead saw us going over a ridge. We watered our horses at Sun River and went 
on. I went on ahead to look over a ridge. As I came back the party signalled 
something wrong. They had found the; tracks of the Flathead party. As we went 
on we saw two antelope and stopped for one to i)ursue them. Then Calf called out, 
"Flatheads are after us." 

They dashed out of a valley and killed one of us before we could mount and .soon 
after, another. Our party began a dash for home. It was funny to see one fellow's 
leggings slip down to his ankles and get tangled under his horse. My horse was 
strong so I rode behind whipping the others. As the Flathead were good shots we 
scattered some. I could hear our pursuers talk but not understand them. After a 
while, I saw that their horses were very tired: so I directed our course over the tops 
of the hills. As their horses soon gave out, they dismounted to rest. When out 
of sight we turned back toward Sun River and hid in the brush. It seemed a very 
long daj'. One of our party was wounded and some had lost their clothes. When 
night came we started again. Some rode double so there would be blankets to cover 
all. The next day we spent on the Teton; the next near Dupuyer, where we found 
the old camp fires of our people. Finally' w(> got home. 



Hkh.xi.dry .\m) l^icn hi: Wuni.xc!. 

The term {\vvt\ as nsvd t)y us has the same social si^iiificaiicc as coup. 
a full discu-ssion of which lias i)e('ii gi\en l)y (Jrinnell.^ Without going into 
details, it seems that among th(> Hhickfoot, the capture of a weapon was t\\v 
coiij), nr (Iced, rather than the formal striking of tlie enemy, though such 

1 (irinnell. 24S. ALso American .Xnlliropoiogist, Vol. 12, 290. 



lit 11.] Wisshr, Black-foot Social Life. 37 

was also taken into at'count. Our impression is, from what we have heard 
in the field, that there was no such formal de\elopnient of the coup practice 
as among many other tribes. An old man relating his deeds seldom men- 
tions scalps but dwells upon the number of guns, horses, etc. captured; 
whereas, according to our observation, a Dakota boasts of his wounds, 
enemies slain and coups. However, heraldry was a prominent feature in 
Blackfoot life. By this term, Ave mean those conventions by which deeds 
are recorded and accredited, with their social privileges and responsibilities. 
Anyone with such recognized deeds is likely to be called upon to name a 
child, to perform special services in social functions as well as specific parts 
of ritualistic ceremonies. In all cases of this kind the warrior comes forward 
and in a loud voice states what deed or deeds he has performed and immedi- 
ately renders the required service. For this, he may receive presents unless 
the occasion is one of special honor. In theory, at least, the formal announce- 
ment is a kind of challenge for contradiction by any of the assembly in so 
far that it implies the eligibility of him who makes it. Women do not 
ordinarily perform such deeds but often recount the embroidering of robes, 
their resistance of temptation, etc., when about to perform some ceremonial 
fimction, a truly analogous practice. 

As elsewhere, the graphic recording of deeds was chiefly by picture 
writing, upon robes, l)ack-walls and the outsides of tipis. A few might be 
indicated upon leggings, but in general, garments were not considered the 
place for such records. The outside and inside of the tipi were the conven- 
tional places. Good examples of this are still to be seen. An unusual tipi 
was collected by the writer in 1903, bearing several hundred figures, repre- 
senting sixty-six distinct deeds most of which were performed by seven 
Piegan then living. The tipi was in reality one of the "painted lodges" 
to be discussed under another head, but may be considered here merely as a 
good example of picture writing and heraldry. 

In the sketches. Fig. 1 is a small vertical section of the tipi cover. Its 
entire circumference to about half the height is one continuous array of 
sketches. From this series a number of typical groups were reassembled 
in Fig. 2. Beginning at the top in Fig. 1, we have Bear Chief (a) on foot 
surprised by Assiniboine Indians but he escaped; (b) Double Runner cut 
loose four horses; (c) Double Runner captures a Gros Ventre boy; (d) 
Double Runner and a companion encounter and kill two Gros Ventre, he 
taking a lance from one; (e) even while a boy Double Runner picked up a 
war-bonnet dropped by a fleeing Gros Ventre which in the system counts 
as a deed; (f) as a man he has two adventures with Crow Indians, taking a 
gun from one; (g) he, as leader, met five Flathead in a pit and killed them; 
(h) a Cree took shelter in some cherrv brush in a hole, l)ut Bi<: Xose went 



38 



Anthropological Papers American Musciun of Natural History. [Vol. VII, 



in tor him; (i) not completely shown, but representing a Cree Indian killed 
while running off Piegan horses; (j) Double Runner, carrying a medicine 
pipe, took a bow from a Gros Ventre and then killed him; (k) Double 
Runner took a shield and a horse from a Crow tipi, a dog barked and he 
was hotly pursued; (m) he killed two Gros Ventre and took two guns; 



Hf 




^. 



^ 



"n 



Hi 






W' 






urn 






Fig. 1 (50-4485). Section of a decorated Tipi. 

(n) he captured a Gros Ventre woman and a boy; (o) he took four mules. 
From this sample, it will be noted that a great deal is left for the memory, 
though a little practice will enable one to determine the character of the 



For a complete .series for one indi\ idual with illustration, see Maclean, (a), IH 



1911.] 



Wissler, Blackfool Social Life. 



39 



exploit suggesting each drawing. Fig. 2 needs less comment as the technical 
aspect of the work speaks for itself. The large man with a pipe is symbolic 
of the vision in which this type of tipi had its inception and, hence, belongs 
in a different category. The drawing was done by a number of individuals; 
in some cases, by the hero of the exploits, but often by a young man under his 




iK^^^ 



Fig. 2 (50-4485). Selected Figures from a decorated Tipi. 

immediate direction. This is obvious in the varying degree in execution 
and conventionality, the range of which is adequately shown in the sketches. 
\\ hen considered as a system of recording deeds, it appears that much is 
left to the whim of the artist, but that certain general modes of suggesting 



40 



Anlliropological Pajwra American Museum of Natural History. [\o\. \'II, 



foimnon types of adventure are reeognized and allowed to control the com- 
position to such an extent that even a stranger may interpret the sketches 
with confidence. Of course, the function of such writing is to objectify 
the formal recounting of deeds, only such performances as are so recognized 
and carry with them social and ceremonial values heing considered worthy 
of a place in the series. 

From the numy examples collected, we selected the following more or 
less conventionalized symbols: 

Wounds received or given are indicated hy a l)lack spot with a dash of 
red for bleeding. Enemies killed, when not fully pictured, are represented 
by a row of skeleton figures as in Fig. 3a, a form always used in heraldic 
horse decorations. In the pictured form, death is often indicated by 
three wounds — in the hciid. hciirt and thigh. Fig. 31). A scalp taken is 







Fig. 3. Symbols used in War Records. 



symbolized by human hair and white weasel skin, excejjt in painting when 
the synd)ol is as in Fig. ;>(•. 

The capture of the (>nemies' proi)(>rty, or a (\vv<\, is indicated by j)ietiires 
of the objects recognized as worth considering. While naturally, there is 
difference of opinion, the following may be taken as the approximate list 
of captures conferring ceremonial rights: — horses, guns, shields, lances, 
bows and quivers, shot-pouches and powder horns, daggers, war-bonnets, 
and all medicine objects. The following order or rank, was given by an 
informant recognizcfl by the Piegan as an authority in heraldry: — gun, 
lance, bow, the enemv's life, cutting a horse loose from a tipi, leading a war 
party, acting as a scout, shields, war-bonnets, a medicine pipe, and driving 
off loose horses. The most significant point is that while the life of an enemy 
is fourth, the capture of his gun is first. When a man was seen to fall with a 
gun, it was not unusual for one or more young men to rush boldly out to 



1<)11. 



Wisshr, Blackfool SocUd LiU. 41 



snatch the prize. To ride up, jerk ii gun from an enemy's hjind and get 
away without injury to either party was the greatest deed possible. Wliile 
in picturing such deeds reahstic forms are used, as the symbol for a shield 
(Fig. 3d), they are often greatly conventionalized. Blankets, if counted, 
are shown as rectangles with one or two cross lines for the stripes on most 
trade blankets. Horses taken in open fight, when not pictured, are repre- 
sented by track symbols, Fig. 5d and under the sketch of a mule in Fig. 1 . 
The rectangular variant as found among many other tribes is not used as an 
equivalent. 

Stealing a horse tied up in the enemies' camp is a deQ-d of special impor- 
tance and naturallv has a definite svmbolism. This case is of some interest 





\f\f XXX 

Fig. 4. IMethods of recording the Capture of Horses. 

here because we find among our collection practically all the steps between 
the full pictured form and the bare symbol. Thus, we find drawings show- 
ing the adventurer cutting loose horses picketed near the tipis. Fig. 4; 
again, the cutting represented by a knife and a hand, the pickets alone 
representing the horses so taken, and finally, a series of crossed lines. The 
last is the simplest form but may be said to be an alternate with the preced- 
ing one, some persons representing the picket stake one way, some the other. 
The Hidatsa ^ are reported to use the crossed lines for a coup and the Teton 
use it as a rescue symbol (a coup saved from the enemy) ; hence, its substi- 
tution in Blackfoot records for the more realistic form of picket stake may 
have been due to suggestion. 

A war party intrenched is indicated by a circle (Fig. 5c) ; sheltered in a 
wind brake, by an open circle (Fig. 2). A camp may be represented by 
a series of tripods, signs for tipis (Fig. 1). 



1 Hoffman, 7.3; Maximilian, Vol. 23, 287. 



•12 AnOtropological Papers American Muscain of Natural History. [\'ol. \'II, 

Two functions of the warpath arc honored by distinct symbols; that of 
leader and scout. The symbol for leader is shown in Fig. 5a and is given 
once for each party led. In like manner, the sign in Fig. 5b indicates having 
been detailed as a scout. The origin of these cannot be definitely traced, 
but the second is said to be a diagrammatic representation of the course 
taken by a scout with reference to the main body. Thus, the curve repre- 
sents the war party waiting and the zigzag line the course always taken by 
the scout to conceal their true position. This seems probable, but no 
rational theory for the origin of the leader's sign was encountered. 
1^ The coup stick, striped like a barber's pole, used by the Cheyenne, 
seems not to have been known among the Blackfoot except its analogous 
form in a boy's game. The Dakota stick made by binding together two 
long rods with spiral decorations and four pendants of feathers with scalp 
locks was seen in the hands of an old man; he, however, frankly avowed 



n 
n 




o n 



Fig. 5. Highly conventionalized sjTaibols. 



having made it in imitation of those seen by him when visiting the Assini- 
boine. 

In a general way, it appears that the Blackfoot show some individuality 
in the conventions of picture writing. Some data we collected from the 
Gros Ventre show many of the same forms, however, and in the absence 
of good data from the Crow and other neighboring tribes, it may be that 
this individuality is more apparent than real. On the other hand, the Black- 
foot make little use of such writing for the presentation of religious expe- 
riences as is the case among many Central Algonkin tribes and to a much 
less degree among the Dakota. While the Dakota have developed some 
heraldic symbols as conventional as those just described by us, they have, 
in addition, a very complex and highly developed feather symbolism, a 
feature almost lacking among the Blackfoot. Yet, the latter showed a 
tendency to use the white weasel skins for the same purpose. I\Tore than 
this can scarcely be said until additional data are at hand. 

In this roniicction. it iirny he well to note tliat by a system of signs, a 



1911.] Wissler, Blackfool Social Life. 43 

war party left definite information for the guidance of stragglers or other 
parties of their tribe on similar errands. On leaving a camp site, a willow 
bent V-like was stuck in the ground, the apex in the direction taken; if 
the distance to the next camping place was small, the angle was quite acute, 
etc. Another sign, used chiefly on the trail, was the mark of a travois, or 
two converging lines, the apex toward the direction taken. Indeed, the 
twig is spoken of as a travois sign. Explicit directions were often left for a 
second party by a kind of map marked in the sand or in bare earth. A 
sketch by the writer from such a map made at his request is shown in Fig. 
6. Two branches of a river are represented easily recognized by one having 
a knowledge of the country. The travois marks indicate the direction of 
movement. Pebbles painted black or, pieces of charcoal mark the proposed 
camping places, the number in each case indicating the length of stop. 



>>> o 




Fig. 6. A sand ISIap showing the Course of a War Party. 

Thus, the sketch would imply that the next camp would be one day's journey 
from the nearest river; w'hence, after a stay of two nights, they camped 
one night on the nearest fork and two nights on the second. To indicate 
that they were joined by a second party, the travois signs are used to denote 
two paths converging on a camp site. A sketch giving more details is 
shown in Fig. 7. By the travois signs leading to a we know that two parties 
of Blackfoot combined and camped two nights, thence moved to a second 
camp, h. "While here, they met and fought enemies, indicated by tw'o sticks 
painted red. Between the two sticks are two bones (shoulder blades) upon 
which the result of the engagement is pictured. Then the party moved on 
to d where this sketch w-as left. 

In cases where the stops were by day and travel by night, yellow pebbles 
were used instead of black. Mountains were indicated by small heaps of 
pe])bles. Marks were often made on stones and other objects along the 



44 



Anthropological Papers American Mii.scnin of Xahinil Ilistoi'i/. [Yo]. \'II, 



trail. Ill cast' a peacrfiil inci-tiiii: occurred, instead of tlie red j)ainte(l sticks, 
l)lack ones were chewed on one end and toltacco tied on the other. The 
practical vahie of all these marks is oh\ iuus. When a war party was over 
due, search was made by following the trail whence from the signs its career 
could he determined, even to the identity of the wounded or killcfl, etc. 

We did not gather much information as to signalling codes, thougli the 
system seems to have been highly de\-elopefl. When a war party returned 
the members paused for a time upon a hill in sight of the camp until atten- 
tion to them was noted. ^ Then, if a victory was won at small cost they sang 
songs for a while and came to camp slowly. If the leader or an important 




Fig. 



Map recording a Battlo 



man was killed, a robe was held up on a stick and then dropped. If ordinary 
men were killed, one of the party stepped aside and threw down a robe, 
once for each. For a wounded leader, a robe was held aloft but not dropped. 
They then entered the camp silently while the women began wailing and 
performed the usual acts of mourning. 



Rkckom.ng Time. 

As far as our information goes, the time of day was noted by the sun and 
the night by the position of Ursa major, the Seven Stars. The year was 
flesignated by the winter, each winter constituting a new year. Two divi- 
sions or .sea.sons were recognized; spring and autumn were regarded as origi- 
nating with the whites. Kacli season was considered as composed of moons; 



See Ma.ximilian. Vol. 2.3, 118. 



1911.] Wissler, Blackfoot Social Life. 45 

the period (luring wliich the luoon was invisible taken as the beginning of 
another moon. ^Ye found little consistency in the nomenclature of moons, 
our information implying that they were considered more by numerals than 
by names. The tendency was to count the moons from about October, 
the beginning of winter or the new year. Variation seems to ha\e been 
due to the fact that calendar counts were kept by a few individuals, usually 
medicinemen, who modifietl the system according to their own theories. 
One man who kept a calendar gave the following list: — 

Winter ^loons. Summer Moons. 

1. Beginning winter moon Beginning summer's moon 

2. Wind moon Frog moon 

3. Cold moon Thunder moon 

4. Two-big-Sunday moon Big-Sunday moon 

5. Changeable moon Berry moon 

6. Uncertain moon Chokecherry moon 

7. Geese moon 

The references to Sunday are to the Christmas and July holidays of our 
own calendar. The year is generally regarded as comprising fourteen moons 
equally di\ided among the tw'o seasons. As calendars were usuall\' in the 
keeping of men owning beaver bundles and the number seven was employed 
in enumerating parts of their rituals, this division of the year into moons 
may be a matter of con\ention ratlier than obserxation. They claim to 
have reckoned twenty-six da\s to a moon. Some, howe\er, assert that 
thirty days were counted ; but in this case the year could not have comprised 
fourteen moons. 

From one man we secured a set of 179 sticks tised for keeping track of 
time. Red sticks were used for years. Another, used a bag with two parts; 
one faced with red, the other with blue. Fourteen pebbles were used to 
mark the moons; each time the moon became invisible he moved a pebble 
to the other side. Calendars, or winter counts, were kept by memory rather 
than by sticks, or paintings. We get the impression, however, that there 
was less interest in such records than among the Dakota and Kiowa. The 
following is Elk-horn's winter count, beginning about 1845: — 

1. Camped down at Mouth River; Gambles killed; sun dance at 
Crow Garden (a place). 

2. Camped near Fort Benton; moved to Yellowstone country; some 
Crow escaped by letting themselves down from a rock with a rope; Yellow 
River, the place of the sun dance; camped at a place where Bad-tail killed 
a Sioux. 

3. Crossed Missouri Ri\er to camp; traded at Ft. Benton and spent 



46 Anthropological I'dpirs American Muticuni of Xalural llidory. [\'ol. \ II. 

most of the -winter t>ii the Marias; a fij^lit with tlie Snake; the iee l)n)ke 
up in the winter (unusual); siui dance near this phice; some Piegan kiUed 
by enemies. 

4. On the Marias; man named (ioose kiUed; in autinnn hunted soutli 
of Ft. Benton; traded at Ft. Benton. 

5. Wintered on the Teton; spring, moved down the Missouri; killed 
a man named High-ridge; made two sun danees; went to Bear Paw Moun- 
tains; went toward Crow country; John Monroe came up to tell Piegan 
that soldiers were near to issue ammunition and some Piegan did not go 
because they were skeptical; six Flathead came there for ammunition, 
some Nez Perce, two North Blackfoot, a few Blood, four North Piegan 
and some Gros Ventre, but no Sarcee. 

(j. Camped on Two Medicine River. 

7. Missouri River; deep snow winter; sun dance at Yellow River. 

8. Slippery winter; .some Piegan killed by the Snake. 

9. Camped on Cut Bank; went toward Missouri; Some-l)ull killed 
by fall from a horse (chief of the tribe); traded at Sun Ri\er. 

10. Sweet Grass Hills; spent spring on the ^Vlarias; in summer went 
south; Big-snakes (chief) killed; annnunition issued. 

11. South of the Missouri; Blood fought among themselves; first 
time steamboats came to Ft. Teton. 

12. Camped at Bad Waters; Sioux after Piegan; this camp north of 
the Missouri; killed 7 Cree; a fight with the Crow and lost two chiefs. 
Good-raven and Mad-plume. 

13. On the Marias; first fight with Gros Ventre; sunnner camp on 
the northeast side of Sweet Grass Hills (Canada). 

14. A few cases of smallpox; fight with the Kootenai in which many 
were killed; during the summer Mountain-chief was attacked l\v Sioux; 
a Piegan was killed by a number of Gros Ventre. 

15. Captured a double barrel shot gun; sun dunce at High Ridge. 

16. Flies-low was killed. 

17. Many Piegan visited the Southern (Jros \'entre (?); ammunition 
issued; summer camp above Sweet Grass Hills; a fight with the Flathead: 
also with the Gros Ventre; returned to Two Medicine River. 

18. Eagle-chief killed; in summer killed Eagle-horse. 

19. Fought wnth the Crow, Gros Ventre, and Flathead. 

20. Straggling-wolf killed near camp; Piegan killed Crow in revenge. 

21. Assiniboine (name of a chief) killed. 

22. Big-prairies' father killed by his own people. 

23. liody-sticking-out killed by his own people. 

24. Three-eagles killed by his own p(>oi)le. 



1911.] Wisder, Blackfoot Social Life. 47 

25. Many-horses (the chief) die(h 

26. Many buffalo and many trafHng posts on the IMarias. 

27. Man tried to kill his wife, she (Sarcee woman) stabbed him, he 
killed her; in summer, Home-chief died. 

28. Chief Old-woman-child dies; an open winter. 

29. Killed seven Assiniboine. 

30. Crossed the Missouri; Sitting-bull killed many Piegan. 

31. Camped south of the Missouri. 

32. Camped on Two Medicine River; White-dry, chief of Assiniboine, 
killed by Piegan; after this the Piegan were confined to the reservation. 

33. Wolf-eagle shot in the arm by Cree. 

34. Many Indians died of sore throat; Chief Birch-bark died. 

35. Crow-big-foot visited Piegan; Crow came to steal horses. 

36. Eagle- child died. 

37. Many cattle died. 

38. Stallions issued. 

39. Mares issued. 

40. Two Indians arrested and died in prison; in summer cattle were 
issued. 

41. Wolf-coming-over-hill dies. 

42. Chief W^alking-through-the-beach dies. 

43. Crow-big-foot dies. 

44. Yellow-medicine dies. 

45. Three-bulls dies. 

46. Big-nose dies. 

47. Four-bear dies. 

48. Gets-paint dies. 

50. Black-living-over-tail dies. 

51. Old-kicking-woman dies. 

52. Lance-chief dies. 

53. Fat-buffalo-horse dies. 

54. Bites killed in a runaway. 

55. Running-rabbit dies. 

56. White-calf dies. 

This calendar is given as a type and not for the value of its contents, 
though it doubtless has its merits from that point of view. The narrator 
was somewhat uncertain as to the order of many counts and made frequent 
use of a set of improvised coimting sticks. We asked him why in later 
years the winter counts were designated chiefly by the deaths of the most 
prominent men, to which he replied that since his people were confined 
to the limits of the reservation nothing else happened worth remembering, 



4S Anthropological Papeis American Museum of N^alural llidory. [\o\. ^'II, 

and lui-tluT, tliat llic couiit elided with tlie death of Whitc-ealf heeause there 
were now no men living of sufHeient wortli to he honored with such mention. 
From the human point of \iew we agreed with him in that the l)ook should 
he closed, for the old ways liaxc all hut gone. If we were interested in the 
historical aspect of this account the dates could doubtless he checked by 
certain specific references as Nos. 11, 22, 43, and ofi. 

For completeness, we add the winter count of J5ig-I)ra\ c, covering a 
span of si.\ty-one years, but not giving full representation to the later years. 
Since reservation days, there is a general tendency among the older men to 
fix their counts in units of residence at a given spot; i. e., " for {\\v winters, 
I lived on Two Medicine, then for eight winters on ( ul Bank, etc." : 

1. The fall of the year. Gambler went on the warpath and was killed; 
Piegan spent the winter on the Marias River. 

2. In the fall of tlie year. Big-lake, chief of The-don't-laugh l)and died; 
Piegan wintered on the Marias Ri\-er which was high antl flooded their 
camps. In the summer, they had a sun dance at Sweet Grass Hills; Jioh- 
tail-horse was shot and killed : a woman was also killed. 

3. Leaves-big-lotlge-camp-marks clubbed a Flathead but did not kill 
him; in the summer, Piegan killed some Sioux on the Marias. 

4. Black-tattoo became crazy; in the spring a man named Goose was 
killed by Sioux; in the summer. Goose's father went to war and killed some 
("row; some of the Grow escaped by letting themselves down a high cliff 
with a rope. 

5. Still-smoking was killed; the Piegan stole a sorrel race horse from 
the Flathead. In the sunuiier some Piegan were on the warpath south of 
the Missouri River. The\' came to some white settlers and there saw a 
Sioux Indian whom Last-bull killed with a club. The Sioux had l)(>en 
visiting with the vvhite men. 

(). In the fall, the first treaty was made by the Gox'ernment at the 
mouth of ^'ellow Ri\cr; there were seven different tribes there. That 
winter, Mountain-chief spent on Belly River. One of his daughter's clothes 
caught fire and she was burnt to death. During the suuuner Mountain- 
chief became ill with the hiccoughs which lasted some time. 

7. This winter was called the slippery winter because there was .so 
much ice. In the summer Mountain-chit4' and his people went to Canada 
and killed thirty Sioux. 

S. The Piegan cami)e.i on .Marias, and one by the name of Blood killed 
a Flathead Indian. Lame-bull, a chief, was killed i)y falling from his lior.se 
in the summer. 

!). Moiiiitaiii-ciiicf ^pciil the winter on Milk Ri\er and found an extra 
large l)ull'alo dung which was about three feet across when measured. Chief 
liig-snake was kille<l in the summer. 



1911.] Wissler, Blackfool Social Life. 49 

10. Lazy-boy was killed. In the summer, the Blood camped at Yellow 
Mountains and fought among themselves; Calf-shirt killed some of his 
own people. 

11. A man named Peace-maker was killed. Eagle-child was killed 
in the summer; a Blood was shot through the face with an arrow by a Sioux 
but did not die. 

12. Piegan fought with the Gros Ventre and one, Many-butterfly, 
was killed. The Piegan killed five Sioux who had a horn spoon. 

13. Chief Coward was killed by Crow Indians. In the summer, the 
Piegan attacked the camps of the Gros Ventre and killed many of them; 
also, some Piegan were killed while out hunting. 

14. The Assiniboine attacked Mountain-chief's camps on Big River 
in Canada, at night, but did not kill anyone. The Piegan fought with the 
Gros Ventre in the summer and a Piegan, whose name was Half-breed, was 
killed. 

15. Piegan had what was called red smallpox; in the summer they 
attacked the Assiniboine's seventy lodges and running them out captured the 
lodges. 

16. At P^ort Benton, the Government gave the Piegan clothes, etc.; 
the white man who issued the things to them went by the name of Black- 
horse-owner. At this place they also made peace with the Gros Ventre. In 
the summer Little-dog was killed and the Piegan fought with a great number 
of enemies, with the Crow, Assiniboine, and Gros Ventre who helped one 
another in fighting the Piegan; but the Piegan overpowered or whipped 
them all. 

17. Bear-chief was killed south of the Missouri and the following sum- 
mer the Piegan killed Weasel-horse, a chief of the Blood. 

18. Mountain-chief camped south of the Missouri and the Piegan 
killed two Flathead near the Piegan camps; in the summer the Piegan 
killed thirty Assiniboine who were picking gum off the pine trees. 

19. Strangle-wolf was killed by the Gros Ventre while out hunting; 
Chief Crow was killed by Gros Ventre while he was out hunting. He had 
six women with him. 

20. The Piegan had smallpox and the soldiers attacked seventy camps, 
killing many old men, women, and children. Running-raven was wounded 
by a Gros Ventre. 

21. The Piegan fought with the Cree on Belly Ri\'er in Canada and 
killed one hundred of them. In the summer they had a big battle with the 
Assiniboine and Big-brave and his horse were wounded. 

22. A Piegan, Red-old-man, was killed by the Gros Ventre near Bear 
Paw Mountain while he was trying to steal some horses from them; Black- 
eagle, a Piegan, killed an Assiniboine and his wife, in the summer. 



50 Anlhroimlogicnl I'd /mis AiiKrican Museum of Xdtural History. [Vol. VII, 

23. Bull-cliict' and Hijih-wolt' died; while they were on the warpatli 
in the summer, White-man's horse and his war party were nearly all killed. 

24. Calf-chief killed two Flathead Indians near the Pieman camps 
while they W'ere about to steal some horses. Black-eagle was killed hy the 
Northern Blackfoot in the summer. 

25. The Agent issued hogs' heads to the Piegan as rations; in the sum- 
mer Big-nose took four Assiniboine prisoners. 

26. There were plenty of buffalo and many Assiniboine came to visit 
the Piegan. In the summer the agent, known as Wood, issued clothing, etc., 
and the Piegan made peace with the Crow at Sweet Grass Hill. 

27. A Piegan killed his wife who was a Sarcee woman; in the summer. 
Chief Calf-chief died. 

28. Open winter, there was no snow all winter; Big-buffalo-rock died 
during the summer. 

29. Weasel-moccasin was killed by the Assiniboine; had a sun dance; 
cattle tongues were first used for sun dance; Agency was moved down where 
it now is. 

30. Piegan moved and camped south of Missouri; in the summer the 
soldiers brought the Piegan back to the Reservation. 

31. The Piegan wintered south of the Missouri; Black-cheek was 
killed by the Flathead. In the summer, the Piegan moved back to the 
reservation and an Indian was accidentally shot by the Agency doctor 
during the sun dance. 

38. White-dog, an Assiniboine, was killed by the Piegan; Big-brave 
and many others lived on Birch Oeek seven winters and summers. 

39. In the summer Big-brave moved to Blacktail Creek and wintered 
there. 

40. Mares were issued to the people and Little-dog received two buck- 
skin mares. 

42. Big-brave moved to White Tail ( "reek and lived there two winters 
and summers. 

61. Big-brave moved to Blacktail and has been living there ever since, 
nineteen winters and summers he has lived there. 

Though w^e failed to find among the Blackfoot such elaborate chronicles 
as among the Dakota and Kiowa, what did come to hand were obviously 
of the same type and suggest common origins Further, we get the impres- 
sion that in details our material is more like the counts of the Kiow^a than 
the Dakota. 



1911.] Wissler, Blackjool Social Life. 51 

Oaths. 

The sun is called upon in the most solemn oaths. Thus, when women 
get into a dispute one may take the other by the chin and say "Now, we 
will talk to the sun. If what I say is not true, may I never live to put my 
foot into another snow," etc. A man may appeal to the earth but more 
likely it is the sun, as, " The sun hears me," etc. Men usually make oaths 
over pipes. Thus, when a man tells an improbable story he may be asked 
if he will smoke upon its truth. This refers to the mode of making formal 
oaths. Often when laboring with a man to prevent him from taking the 
life of another, the head-men and relatives induce him to take an oath that 
he will not do the deed. A medicineman fills a pipe, paints the stem red 
and adflresses the sun as to the purpose of the ceremony about to be per- 
formed; the one to take the oath then smokes the pipe which is considered 
most binding. The same method is often used in pledging a man to mend 
his evil ways. 

There is another method — something like an ordeal. The point of a 
knife is held in the ashes at the fire and extended with the charge, " If you 
say what is true, touch the point of this knife with your finger." The 
belief is that one will certainly be killed by a knife or other sharp instrument, 
if swearing falsely. 

Etiquette. 

To discuss this subject in detail would be a matter of considerable inter- 
est and doubtless of definite comparative value; but it is our intention to 
note only such points as came readily to notice. Naturally, many points 
mentioned imder previous heads may be considered as bearing upon this 
topic. On approaching the tipi of a stranger, it is proper for a man to pause 
some distance away and call out to know if the head of the family is at home. 
If he is out and there is no adult male to act instead, the visitor is upon such 
information not expected to enter but may, of course, carry on a conversa- 
tion with the women on the outside. When one is acquainted, or where the 
man is known to be within, he enters without ceremony and takes a place 
to his right of the door. Should the entire side be unoccupied he moves up 
to a place opposite the host ; should it be occupied he takes the first vacant 
place. However, a man's status and age may make it incumbent upon 
those seated to make a place appropriate to his rank.^ The fire is the divid- 



1 The ownership of certain medicines may determine the seat. Thiis, as guests, the 
medicine pipe men are given a seat opposite the host and must give way to no one. Should 
they go out for an interval, no one should occupy the seat. As the penalty will be disease, 
we have here what may be considered a taboo. 



52 Anthropological Papers American Miiscutn of Xatural History. [Vol. \'1I, 

iug point of the house: henee, to pass between a guest and the fire is very 
impoHte. Should a man of some importance be smoking, one must not 
pass between him and the fire, he may, however, take the pipe in his hands 
and pass between it and the smoker. As soon as a male guest enters, the 
host begins to cut tobacco and fill a pipe, which when lighted is passed to 
the guest, back to the host etc., until it has burned out. Women as guests 
usually take places to the left by the wife. 

There are a great many observances that partake of taljoo rather than 
etiquette. These will be discussed elsewhere, but it is proper to respect 
all the restrictions of your host's medicine. The well-informed are expected 
to know what bundles the host owns and, of course, the observances thereto. 
Thus, the bear must not be named in a tipi when there are certain bundles, 
guests seeing these bundles hung up there must act accordingly and desig- 
nate the bear, if at all, b}- some descriptive terms. Again many men have 
individual restrictions of the same sort, all of which are to be respected. 

It is a breach to ask a leading question as to one's personal medicine 
or experiences. One may wear an object until it has attracted general 
attention and though many are certain that it is a medicine object of inter- 
est, they will not ask about it. It may. however, be hinted at and a desire 
for information implied, but the approach must end there. On the other 
hand, the owner may speak freely if he so choose. We found no reason 
to believe that a man felt any great reluctance to speak of such things at 
his own initiative or that he felt under special obligation not to do so: 
it is the blunt asking for information that is offensive. 

Food should be set before a guest. A visitor, if from a distance, should 
receive presents from the host and his relatives. Even now, a Blackfoot 
visiting one of the other divisions of his people, returns with horses and other 
property. This is, however, a kind of exchange, since iiis relatives are 
expected to do likewise when visited by those befriending him. 

Jesting at the expense of a guest, provided he is not a distinguished man, 
is regarded as proper. Oftimes very rude jokes are thus played upon 
strangers. A show of timidity or resentment is sure to stimulate such acts. 
The usual procedure is for a number of men to gather, some of whom begin 
to make indecent remarks concerning the guest while the host and a few 
others pretend to speak against such proposals. Further indignities nuiy be 
offered but the host prevents the affair from going too far. We mention 
this extreme of jesting to emphasize the large place it plays in Blackfoot 
social life. Notwithstanding all this, the victims whatever their rank, 
are extremely sensitive to such jests. 



1911.] Wissler, Blackfoot Social Life. 53 

Amusements and Games. 

In former times, there was a good deal of merriment in the Blackfoot 
camps. We have just characterized some of the jokes often perpetrated 
and may mention others strictly for amusement. One Piegan band was 
noted for its pranks. One of their favorites was to annoy visitors by a 
mock famil\- row. The host would begin a quarrel with his wife and then 
to fight. The neighbors would rush in and with mock indignation take the 
woman's part. The result was a general melee in which they took care to 
fall upon the guest and wallow him about as much as possible without 
serious injury. 

As a rule, jokes were between band and band. Thus it is related that 
one time a band drove off the horses of another and herded them in the 
brush near b\-. Then they innocently offered to join the war party for 
pursuit. When all was ready they suggested that they look in the brush 
as the horses might have been overlooked. Again, a band dressed one of 
their men in white man's clothes and painted his face black. Then while 
his confederates were at the camp of the victim band he came up and in 
plain view caught two horses, going off slowly. The confederates were 
careful to call attention to it. Some young men pursued but when they were 
near the man took aim at them. So they hesitated. Finally, the thief 
disappeared over a hill. Then he whipped up, returned by another route 
and left the horses in their places again to the confusion of the pursuing 
party on their return. 

Such pranks afforded amusement to all and ser^-ed to brighten the life 
of the camps. ^ While there were always a number of persons adept at 
chaffing and pranks there seems to have been no clown or buffoon, not even 
in ceremonies. There were, and are now, certain dances that may be 
termed social in which there are features expressly for amusement, but as 
these also contain ceremonial features they may be passed by at this writing. 
Games, on the other hand, seem to have no ceremonial associations and may, 
therefore, be considered under this head. We shall, however, make a 
distinction between amusement and gambling. The first are indulged in 
by children and youths, rarely by adults. 

Children had a great many games similar to those of white children, 
from whom they may have been learned. Among these are tag, hide-and- 
seek, jumping the rope, stilt-walking, slings, tops, dolls, hobby-horses, 
coasting, ball games, shooting contests, racing, and follow-the-leader. 

The hobby-horse seems to have been peculiar to girls. A stick was 



For a sketch of the social amusements in Blaclifoot camps, see Grinncll. 1S5. 



54 



Anthropological Papcr.H American Museum of Xalnral History. [Vol. VII, 



selected with a natural bend between two parallel ends. A niiniatvire 
saddle was sometimes placed in the crook and other trappinjjs added. Girls 
coasted on pieces of rawhide, squatting at the rear and holding up the front 
with the hands. In summer, this contrivance was used in sliding down steep 
hills and cut banks. Boys usually coasted by sitting on a kind of toboggan 
made of buffalo ribs lashed to cross sticks, though they were not averse to 
using the more comfortable rawhide sheet.^ Small boys often played at 
owning, stealing and tending horses, using rude images of mud or selected 






Fig. 8a (50-6153C), 6(50-6153e), c (615.3 f). Wooden Tops. Length of a, 7 cm. 

Stones of appropriate form. When buffalo were represented, their foot- 
bones were usually used. Tlie buzzer of bone and the bull roarer were 
known as children's toys, but the winged bones of the Teton and the snow 
snake were not recognized by our informants. A toy called " whizzing 
bone," has not been identified by us, but was described as a contrivance for 
throwing. Some of our informants had seen the cup-and-])all, but rarely 
among their own people. 

Top was a favorite game for boys. Tlie wooden top (Fig. S) is usually 
made of birch in the round and varies in length from 11 to 16 cm., in diameter 
from S to 12 cm. The bark is removed entire or in sections and the heads 
marked with nails or paint, partly for ornamenta- 
tion and partly for identification. The wood 
nuist be well seasoned so as not to be heavy. 
The whips have four buckskin lashes about 35 
cm. in length and handles about 75 cm. long. 
This game is played in soft snow, the object 
\ .stone l)eing to determine wlio vnu (h-i\e his top over 
the greatest distance without interrupting the 
spinning. The usual stakes are buckskin whip strings and tops. 

Another top game is played upon smooth ice. The tops are water-worn 

» Maximilian says of the Mandan that children glided dow-n heaps of snow ' 'on a board , 
or a piece of the backbone of a buffalo, with some of the ribs attached to it," 445. 




Fig. 9 (.50-6155g) 
Top. I^cngth. S cm 



1911.] 



Wisslei , Bluckfoot Social Life 



55 



egg-shaped pebbles (Fig. 9) about 15 cm. in transverse diameter. The 
whips are similar to the preceding except that bark strings are used as shown 
in Fig. 10. This is a matter of economy since it is the belief that the rocks 
and the ice wear out buckskin strings very quickly and while the bark strings 
are also short lived they are easily replaced. In the game, tlie rocks are 
set spinning by whipping and when at high speed are 
driven together, the one that stops spinning first 
loses. In this game, the players are in pairs. 

Sometimes these rock tops are used on hard snow. 
A shallow trench is dug which the tops must cross 
while spinning. A skillful player will whip his top 
in such a way that it will jump the trench. How- 
ever, should it fail it may be whipped out or thrown 
out by the hand ; if it ceases to spin, the player loses. 
The name for top games is approximately, " knock- 
ing it." 

Another boy's game is with balls of mud stuck 
on the ends of willow rods about two meters long. 
A swing of the rod will drive off such a ball with 
great force. If such play becomes a contest, the aim 
is to see who can throw the greatest distance. 

There are a number of arrow games. The col- 
lections contain two sets. One bow (Fig. lib) has a 
peculiar decoration on the back, produced by cutting 
away portions of the bark. The other bow (Fig. 
11a) is of similar form but plain. The arrows are in 
sets of six, of plain feathered shafts, about 75 cm. 
long and slightly sharpened. One arrow with the 
carved bow has a peculiar head (Fig. lib). There 
are also two grass targets as in Fig. 11a. 

One simple game is opened by a player shooting 
an arrow into a bank of earth which in turn becomes 
the target for all. The one placing an arrow nearest 

the target arrow wins all the arrows shot in the round. In a more com- 
plicated game one arrow is set up beside a bank and used as a target as 
in the preceding. The boy making the best shot gathers up all the arrows 
at the target and shoots them at the grass target (Fig. 11). Each arrow 
striking this target is his, otherwise they revert to their owners. The grass 
target must be held in the hand grasping the belly of the bow and the 
arrow. By a swing of the arms it is tossed forward and upward and 
must be hit while in the air to win.^ 




Fig. 10 (50-6154a). 
Top Whip with Lashes 
of Bark. Length, 71cm. 



CuUn, Fig. 505, 391. 



56 



Anihropologicnl Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. \'I1, 



Anotlier game spoken of as the sliding arrows was in favor. No bow 
was used, the so-called arrows being but straight slender sticks about 80 
cm. long, neither sharpened nor feathered. The set in the collection con- 
tains 39 sticks, 28 of which are plain, 4 burned black at one end and 7 
decorated w-ith a spiral burned band. We have no information as to the 
significance of these divisions. In the game the players take an equal 
number of sticks. They are thrown by hand, poising them on a small heap 





Fig. 11 a (50-6148 g, a), 6 (50-6147a. c). Gaming Bows and Arrows. Length of Bow, 
97 cm. 

of earth. The player throwing the greatest distance, takes all the sticks 
thrown. As in other games, the play continues until one has all the sticks. 
The casting of wooden darts, or arrows, is another boys' game of the 
same general type. The set of darts in the collection contains twelve 
willow sticks about a meter long and l.S cm. in diameter. Eacli stick is 
sharpened at one end and split into cjuarters at the other. Fig. 12. These 
darts are usuallv decorated and to some are attached tufts of horse liair. 



Fig. 12 (.50-6146). A Woodon Dart. Length, 90 cm. 



In the game the darts are thrown from the hand. First one is cast into a 
clump of bushes and the players in turn cast at it as a target. The last 
throw wins the darts. The use of the hair tufts was explained as an aid to 
the count; thus, if several darts fell about equally near the target dart, tli(» 
one whose hair tuft touched it was declared the winner. 

We secured vague accounts of another game in which arrows were sliot 
at a bundle of arrows, the best sliot taking the biiiulle. 



1911.] Wissler, Blackfoot Social Life. 57 

The wheel game is pUiyed with a netted lioop, strictly for amusement, 
by young people. The hoop in the collection is shown in Fig. 13.^ The 
center mesh is called the navel and the open parts of the loops around the 
hoop, the teeth. The darts are simple pointed sticks about 80 cm. long 




Fig. 13 (50-6165). The Wheel Game. Diameter, 41 cm. 

without forks at the end as observed among some other tribes. Counts are 
made when the darts pierce the navel or one of the teeth, according to any 
value agreed upon by the players. Two persons are necessary to the game, 
but there is no maximum limit to the number of players. The opposing 
sides take up positions at fifty 3'ards or more. A player rolls the wheel 
toward the opposite side, its players casting darts at it as it passes. Should 
a count be made the wheel is thrown back high in the air, the opposing side 
attempting to catch it on their darts. Should they in turn make a count, 
the wheel is thrown back to the other side, etc. For every failure to count, 
the wheel is retiirned by rolling. 

» An unusual form of this wheel is shown by Culin, 447. 



oS Anthropoloijiail hi/xrs Ameriain Mimiitn of Xaltiral History. [\o\. VII, 

A kiml of sliiiiny, callrd "liatlinj; ours," was played by men, women and 
\nuths. Hats of roiinh sticks with slightly curved ends were used (Fig. 14). 
The l>idls are spherical, al)()Ut the size of a base ball, composed of skin covers 
stuffed with hair. The j^anie is rough and frequently results in serious 
injuri»'s. The players are arrayed in two sides. Two lines, or goals, are 
place<l about :i()0 yards apart. The players group about the midway point 
and the game is opened by tossing the ball into the air. Each side strives 
to bat the ball over its own goal. 

.\nother ball game, known as the C'ree Women, is played by adults and 
\«»uths. .V l)all is used similar to the preceding, but is tossed from hand to 
hand. The players are in pairs. The game is opened by tossing the ball 
into the air whence each playjT strives to recover it. The one who secures 
it. ilifu faces liis partiitf and the ball is tossed back and forth. The other 




Fig. 14 '.■)(>-( 



players may use every means to disconcert them except actual physical 
interference. When the ball is dropped all rush for it and the first to secure 
it, plays with his partner as before. 

Wrestling was connnon among boys and young men. Formal bouts were 
(isiially Ix'tween two sides. The players sat facing in rows. One side put 
forward a man with a challenge to the other. They put forward an oppo- 
nent. The victor was then the ne.xt challenger until thrown. 

A rough game, known as kicking each other, was popular among young 
111(11 and boys; tlic usual way was to form two opposing lines and kick each 
..ilicr to sff which would gi\c way. Another game, known as bear play, 
was popular w hen sw iniming; i»oys woidd unite, seize a boy and toss him into 
the deepest water, then scamper away. The victim pursued until a boy 
wa"- caught when, at onc-e, the others joined in tossing him into the water. 

.\ children's game, known as skunk, is a kind of round in which all 
>tand in line <-ach with hands on the shoulders of his neighbor. The 
lea«ler carries a stick of wood, burning at the end, from which he beats 
■<[>arks with another stick. The row of children sing and dance without 
breaking the line. The lea«ler endeavors to come near the rear of the line 
so that the sparks will fly upon the players, they in turn seek to avoid him 
without bn-aking away. While this was a rough game, it was popular. 

lioys often amused them.selves by placing embers from the fire on a stone 
and striking them with :m<.ther stone. When skillfully done, this gives 
nlf a re|)ort like a gun. 



1911.] Wissler, Blackfoot Social Life. . 59 



Gambling. 

Playing for stakes was always a favorite and the games to be described 
here were rarely played except in gambling. Gambling is often spoken of 
as fighting, or war, and in turn war is spoken of as gambling. This is 
reflected in a myth where the players' scalps were at stake. ^ 

The Hand-Game. Piaks kaiosin, approximately fancy gambling, was 
in a w^ay team work, sometimes as many as twenty -five men on a side, band 
playing against band or even camp against camp. The outfit consists of 
4 hiding sticks, or two pairs, 12 counters and a number of drumsticks for 
beating time on lodge poles set up in front of the players. The pair of hid- 
ing sticks are designated as the short and the long, though they are really 
of equal length, the one called long being designated by a string wrapped 
about its middle. The;^' are about the thickness of an ordinary lead pencil 
and about 7 cm. in length. The materials are wood or bone. The counters 
are about 38 cm. long, of plain wood sharpened at one end for sticking up 
in front of the players. The drumsticks are short clubs of no definite form. 
Each side takes a pair of hiding sticks and selects a man to do the hiding 
and one to do the guessing, according to their known skill. Each hiding 
man, or leader, faces the guesser of the opposing side and the play begins. 
The leaders put their hands behind them and then show their hands when 
the guess is made. The side guessing correctly takes one counter and also 
their opponents' pair of hiding sticks. This opens the game. There are 
now two leaders for the playing side. They confront the guessers of their 
opponents. The player's side now sings and drums upon the tipi poles, 
provided for that purpose, apparently to di\ert the attention of the guessers. 
For every failure of a guesser, the playing side takes a counting stick. 
Should one of the leaders be guessed correctly, he gives his hiding stick to 
his companion who plays with the four. If the guess is now wrong, he 
takes one counter and restores a pair to his companion to play as before. 
However, should the guess be correct, the playing side loses the hiding 
sticks to their opponents. Thus the play continues until one side has the 
12 counting sticks, or wins.- 

The songs have a definite rhytiimic air but consist of nonsense syllables. 
However, jibes and taunts are usually improvised to disconcert the guessers. 
The game is very boisterous and, in a wa\' social, but is never played except 
for stakes of value, as horses, robes, guns, etc. 

Formerly, this game was often plaj'ed by members of the All-Comrades 

» Vol. 2. p. 132. 

2 For other brief accounts for the Blackfoot see Grinnell, 184: Macloan, rb). 56. 



AnthriiiHiUxjicnl I'npirs Aimricnn Miiaeurn of iXntitral History. [Vol. \ll, 

Ntcietifs. as the liravos against tlu- Dogs, etc. In sucli cases the songs were 
from their own rituals. The man handhng the sticks was sometimes very 
skilful in deceiving the guessers. To disconcert him, the opposing side 
often counted coup on him. One would recount how he took a scalp, leap 
upon the shoulder of the player, grasp his hair, fla.sh a knife, etc., he all 
the while handling the sticks. Tin y might pretend to capture his blanket 
or repeat any other deeds they iiail done in war. The idea was that if the 
deed counts were true, the re-counting of them would give power to o\er- 
come the skill of the player. This made the game noisy and rough, but 
quite exciting. The players were always skilful jugglers and regarded as 
medii'inemen. The amount of property changing hands in such gambling 
was truly astmiisliiiig, whole bands and .societies sometimes being reduced 
to ab.solute poverty and nakedness. Women may play the game but with 
three counting sticks instead of twelve. 

The Whirl Gmnhling. For this game, a small wheel about 7 cm. in 
diameter is u.sed. The form is precisely like that of the Gros Ventre shown 
in Fig. 22, p. ISS, \'ol. I, of this .series. There are two sets in the Blackfoot 
collection one of which has six spokes, the other seven. The spokes are 
distiuguisheil by beads of difi'erent colors or combinations. For the game 
a wheel and two arrows are rc(|uire(l, there being but two players. The 
arrows in the ( ulltctiDii li;i\f inctjil points and are feathered. They are 
al)()ut S,") cm. long. In phiyinu ilic wheel is rolled l)y one of the players 
toward an obstruction, usually a l)oanl, about (1 m. distant. The two follow 
it do.sely and as it falls after striking the obstruction, try to thrust their 
arrows under it. This nuist be done so that the wheel will fall upon them, 
not cause its fall. The count is according to the position of the spokes 
upon the arrows. The wiiuier rolls the wheel, tlie advantage being always 
with the one who docs this. The counts are usually in multiples of five, 
\alues being assign<'d to the \arious spokes by mutual agreement at the 
opening of the game.' .Small jjcbbles are used as counters, or chips. The 
betting is by pledging a blanket for so many pebl)les, a knife for so many, 

etc. 

Thi Fuiir-.slirh dmiir. To the Blackfoot this is known as "travois 
gambling," and is played i)y women. A .set in the collection was said to 
be of buffalo bone (Fig. 1.")). The sticks were named six, two, and snakes; 
though sometim<'s designated as twos and snakes, a pair of each. The 
flefail of the markings varii-d but followed the same general scheme in so 
far that the snakes were always marked with the wave-like design. They 
were rast npoii the ltoiiimI or a l)lanket. Since the opposite sides of the 



Maclean. (A), pp 21276-7: Culin, 448. 



1911.1 



Wissler, Blackfoot Social Life. 



61 



sticks are blank there are eight faces. The usual count is as follows: zero 
two blanks, one snake and a or b; 2, two blanks and two snakes; 4, four 
blanks; or as they appear in the figure; 6, three blanks and six (b), or one 
blank, two snakes and two (a) ; one blank, six (b) and two snakes counts 
nothing but the player may pick up the stick called six and throw it 
upon the others to turn them, counting according to the result. Other 



^gT^c^c Vcj Vc^lllj^^^ o g/o c o 




Fig. 15 (50-5408). The Four-stick Game. Lengtli of a. IS cm. 



combinations give no score. The player continues to throw so long as 
the above combinations result; failing, the turn passes to the next. As 
a rule, there are but two in the game.^ The mnnber of points in a game 
and the wagers are a matter of agreement between the players. - 

Certain games well known to neighboring tribes were not recognized 
by our informants as having been played by the Blackfoot. Among these 
were the plum stone, or button dice, the moccasin game, the hoop game, 
the 102 stick game, the cup-and-ball, the snow snake, ice-gliders, and winged 
bones. Most of them had been seen, but in the hands of aliens. Odd-and 
even seems to have been known to the Northern Blackfoot, but was not 



1 CiUin, 56-57. 

2 The section on games is entirely based upon information gathered by D. C. Duvall, 
•chiefly among the Piegan, supplemented by data from the oilier divisions. 



(>J .KnlhmiMilngiciil I'aptr.^ American Miiseiiiii of Xdtiinil History. [N'ol. \'II, 

ill fa\i»r.' \Vf lia\»- finiiid no traces of ceremonial associations with these 
games. While mention of the wheel games is made in several myths, this 
seems purely circumstantial, except that the Twin-hrothers are credited 
with originating the netted wheel. - 

The small spoked wheel of tiie HIackfoot is practically identical with that 
of the (Jros \'( iitrr. .\ccording to Culin, this headed type has been observed 
among the (row, Xcz Perce, Thompson and Shushwap tribes, suggesting 
its origin, if not with the Blackfoot, at least, with some of their neighbors. 
The particular form of button used in the Blackfoot hand-game seems to 
belong ti> ilic west of the Kocky Mountains, to the coast and southward 
in the plateaus. The i)eating upon a pole is found among the Nez Perce, 
Kootenai and perhaps elsewhere. While the Gros Ventre had the Black- 
foot names "long and short," their buttons and method of play were more 
like those of tlu> Arapaho. The stick dice (travois game) when rigidly com- 
pared as to form and marking, bear close parallels among the Gros Ventre. 
Hidatsa, and Chippeywan with less correspondence west of the Rockies. 
On the other hand, the Blackfoot indifference to seed and button dice 
tends to class them with western tribes. Neither the Blackfoot nor the 
Gros \'entre seem to have used the large hoop and double darts of the 
Dakota, Omaha, and Arapaho. Thus, in a general way, the Blackfoot fall 
into an ill-defined grouj) comprising tribes on the head-waters of the Mis- 
souri arjd ("olumbia Rivers. They seem on the whole, to incline more 
toward the Plateau and Shoshone area than to the Siouan or Algonkin. 
Of greater interest, perhaps, is our failure to find any game associated with 
the stalking of buffalo or any other ceremony. So far as we can see, all 
games are to tlie HIackfoot either anuisement or gambling and a resume 
of our aeeoiinl w ill show that many of the former also reflect the gambling 
conception. 



■ Maximilian, 254. 

^ Soo Vol. I of this series, 24, 42, GO, 64. 1.32. 



1911.] 



Wissler, Bluckfool Social Life. 



63 



Bibliography 



Clark, W. P. The Indian Sign Language. Philadelphia, 1885. 

CuLiN, Stewart. Games of the North American Indians. (Twenty-fourth Aiuuial 

Report, Bureau of American Ethnology, ■\\'ash- 

ington, 1907). 
DuvALL, D. C. See Clark Wissler. 
GoLDENWEisER, A. A. Totemism, An Analytical Study. (Reprinted from the 

Journal of American Folk-lore, Vol. 23, April- 
June, 1910). 
Grinnell, George Bird. Blackfoot Lodge Tales. New York, 1904. 
Henry and Thompson. New Light on the Early History of the Great Northwest. 

Edited by Elliott Coues. New York, 1897. 
Hoffman, Walter James. The Beginnings of Writing. New York, 1895. 
Kane, Paul. Wanderings of an Artist among the Indians of North America. 

London, 1859. 
Keating, William H. Narrative of an Expedition to the Source of St. Peter's 

River, Lake Winnepeck, Lake of the woods, &e., 

&c., performed in the year 1823. Philadelphia, 

1824. 
Kroeber, Alfred L. (a) Ethnology of the Gros Ventre. (Anthropological Papers, 

American Museum of Natural History, 1908, 

Vol. 1, Part 4, pp. 141-282). 
(b) The Arapaho. (Bulletin, American Museum of Natural 

History, New York, Vol. 18). 
Lowie, Robert H. (a) The Assiniboine. (Anthropological Papers, American 

Museum of Natural History, 1909, Vol. 4, Part 1, 

pp. 1-270). 
(b) The Northern Shoshone. (Anthropological Papers, 

American Museum of Natural History, 1909, 

VoL 2, Part 2, pp. 165-306). 
Maclean, John, (a) The Gesture Language of the Blackfeet. (Transactions, 

Canadian Institute, Vol. 5. Toronto, 1898). 

(b) Canadian Savage Folk. The Native Tribes of Canada. 

Toronto, 1896. 

(c) Social Organization of the Blackfoot Indians. (Transactions, 

Canadian Institute, Vol. 4, 1892-93. Toronto, 
1895). 

(d) Blackfoot Amus(>ments. (Scientific American Supplement. 

June 8, 1901, pp. 21276-7). 
Maximilian, Prince of Wied. Early Western Travels, 1748-1846. Edited by 

Reuben Gold Thwaites. Cleveland, 1906. 
McClintock, Walter. The Old North Trail. London, 1910. 



i\\ Anthropological I^apers American Museum of Natural History. [\'ol. VII. 

M MONEY. James. The Cheyenne Indians. (Memoirs, American Anthropological 
Association, Vol. 1, Part 6, pp. 357-642. Lan- 
caster, Pa., 1907). 

ScH()OLCR.\FT, Hknuv R. Historical and Statistical Information respecting the 
History, Condition and Prospects of the Indian 
Tribes of the United States. Philadelphia, 
1851-57. 

Si'iNDEN. H. J. The Nez Perce Indians. (Memoirs of the American Anthropologi- 
cal Association, Vol. 2, Part 3). 

SwA.NTON, John H. The Social Organization of American Tribes. (American 
Anthropologist, N. S., Vol. 7, pp. 663-673, 1905.) 

Thlenbeck, C. C. (a) Original Hhickfoot Texts. (Verhandelingen der Koninklijkl 
Akademie van Wetenschappen te Amsterdam. 
Deel XII, No. 1. Amsterdam, 1911). 
(b) Geslachts en Persoonsnamen der Peigans. Amsterdam, 
1911 

WissLEK, Clauk. (a) Decorative Art of the Sioux Indians. (Bulletin, American 
Museum of Natural History, Vol. 18, New York, 
1904). 
(b) The Whirlwind and the Elk in the Mythology- of the Dakota. 
(Journal of American Folk-lore, Vol. 18, October- 
December, 1905). 

Wi.'^sLER, Clahk, and Duvall, D. C. Mythology of the Blackfoot Indians. (An- 
thropological Papers of the American Museum of 
Natural History, 1908. Vol. 2. Part 1, pp. 1-164). 



(Continued from Snd p. of cover.) 

Vol. V, Part I. The Material Culture of the Blackfoot Indians. By Clark 
Wissler. Pp. 1-176, Plates I-VIII, and 103 text figures. 
March, 1910. Price, $2.00. 
Part II. Contribution to the Anthropology of Central and Smith 
Sound Eskimo. By Ales Hrdlicka. Pp. 177-280, Plates 
IX-XXIII. 1910. Price, $1.50. 
Vol. VI, Part I. The Archaeology of the Yakima Valley. By Harlan I. 
Smith. Pp. 1-171, Plates I-XVI, and 129 text figures. 
June, 1910. Price, $2.50. 
Part II. The Prehistoric Ethnology of a Kentucky Site. By Harlan 
I. Smith. Pp. 173-241, Plates XVII-LXIV, and 1 text 
figure. 1910. Price, $1.00. 
Vol. VII, Part I, The Social Life of the Blackfoot Indians. By Clark 
Wissler. Pp. 1-64. 15 text figures. 1911. 



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Vol. VII, Part 2. 



Ceremonial Bundles of the Blackfoot 
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BY 
CLARK WISSLER. 



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1912. 



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ANTHROPOLOGICAL PAPERS 

OF THE 

American riuseum of Natural 
History. 

Vol. VIL Part 2. 



Ceremonial Bundles of the Blackfoot 
Indians. 



BY 

CLARK WISSLER. 



NEW YORK: 

Published by Order of the Trustees. 

1912. 



Monograph 



ANTHROPOLOGICAL PAPERS 

OF THE 

American Museum of Natural History 



Vol. VII, Part II. 



CEREMONIAL BUNDLES OF THE BLACKFOOT INDIANS. 
By Clark Wissler. 



CONTENTS. 



INTRODUCTION 
I. MEDICINE EXPERIENCES 
Medicineman A 
Medicineman B 
Medicineman. C 
Medicineman D 
Medicineman E 
Medicineman F 
Medicineman G 
II. PERSONAL CHARMS 
Origins of Rituals 
III. MEDICINE BUNDLES 
War Bridles . 
We.\sel-tail Suits 
Hair-lock Suits 
Headdresses . 
Shields 

Otter Bundles 
Bear Knife 
Medicine Lance 
The Medicine-Pipe 

The Ritual . 

Sweat H0U80 and 1^ 

Function 

The Owner . 

The Transfer 



AND MEDICINES 



71 

72 

75 

75 

78 

80 

81 

82 

91 

100 

107 

107 

111 

112 

114 

117 

126 

131 

134 

136 

140 

146 

147 

152 

155 



(l(i 



Aitlhropological Papers American Museum of Natural Ilislory. [\o\. Ml, 



IV. 



\:iri«'lii's of liiiiulK's 
I'ijM- Lore 

Origins .... 
Comparative Notes 

MkaVKH lir.NULKS 

Contents 

The ( )\vner 

The Transfer 

Part Ownership 

Funetion 

Ritual .... 

Tobaoeo Plant inj: . 

Calling the Buffalo 
Thk Xatoas, ok Sin D.\xce Bundi> 

Relation to the Beaver Bundle 

The Ritual .... 

Sununary .... 

Paintkd-Tiims . . 

The Otter-Flag Paint ed-Tipi 

The Otter Painted-Tipi 

The lilack and Yellow Buffalo l»ainted-Tipi 

The Winter Painted-Tipi 

'I'he Snake Painted-Tipi 

Other Tipis 

Tipi Deeorations 

Coinjjarative Notes 
Lmski.m .... 

Comparative Notes 

genp:r.\l ckremoni.vl fkatfres 

Br.NDLE W'KAlM'l.NfiS . 
Ik'.NDI.K Ow.NKRS IX Mul KN 
ForU MoVKMENT.S 

TiiK Rkckivi.nc Sujn 
TiiK Wise .M()vkmf:nt 

St N-WISK MoVKMENT.S 

PAssiNfi THE Pipe 
BfNui.E Owners' Taroos 

OpENINC; Bl'NDI.ES 

Dancin.; .... 
The RiTiAi, 

Paintinc .... 
Prayers .... 
Horses as Ceremoniai, Oikts 
The SMui)r;E .\i,tar . 
The Sweat Hoi-se . 
SONOS .... 

Songs of C.eneral Ownership 

Trau'^feralile Songs 

'I'll.' 'nnl-fc-iihcr, Sini-offeriiig, or Sweat H( 



Songs 



1912.] 



Wissler, Blackfoot Bundles. 



67 



Doctor's Songs 
Grouping and Symbolism 
Comparative Notes 
The Transfer . 

GENERAL DISCUSSION 

BIBLIOGRAPHY 

APPENDIX 

Tipi Foundations 
Pottery . 
Origin Myth for Horses 
Prevention of Child Bearing 
Mourning for the Dead 
Conventionalized Dandvism 



Page. 

270 
271 
271 

272 
279 
283 

285 
285 
285 
285 
286 
287 
288 



ILLUSTRATIONS. 



Text Figures. 



9. 
10. 
11. 
12. 
13. 
14. 

15. 
16. 
17. 
18. 
19. 

20. 
21. 
22. 
23. 
24. 
25. 



Design on Birchbark used in the Cree Medicine. Drawn by a Piegan 
A personal Charm, Piegan ....... 

War Charms: (a) a Necklace; (b) a hair Ornament. Piegan 

A Scarf regarded as a War Medicine. Blood 

A Scarf of Otterskin, a War Medicine. Piegan 

The Headdress, Necklace and Face Painting of a particular Med 

man. Piegan 

A feather Wand ...... 

A fasting Shelter upon the Summit of a Hill near Two Medicine R 
A War Bridle, or Charm. Blood .... 

The Incense Altar for the Horse Medicine 

A Horn Bonnet, from a Piegan Drawing. 

A "straight-up" Headdress, from a Piegan Drawing 

Drawings of Shields by Piegan Indians 

An Indian Drawing, showing Face Painting and Hair Dress for Sliield 

Fig. 13d . . . . . 

A buffalo hide Shield 

A buffalo hide Shield from the Northern Blackfoot 

An Indian Drawing of a Shield by Big-brave 

An Indian Drawing of a Shield by Big-brave 

Plan of the Sweat House for the Smoking-otter Bundle, 

Drawing ........ 

A Medicine-pipe Bundle ..... 

A decorated buffalo Robe for a Medicine-pipe Owner 

A Medicine-pipe 

The Black-covered Pipe Bundle and the Pipe it Contains 
A Medicine-pipe ....... 

A Straight-pipe in a Beaver Bundle, drawn l)y Tom K 



from an Indian 



90 
92 
93 
97 
97 

99 
100 
105 
lOS 
109- 
114 
114 
118 

119 
122 
123 
124 
124 

127 
136. 
138 
140 
159 
160 
171 



CkS 



Anthropologiad Papers American Museuui of Natuial Ilislory. [Vol. VII, 



2(). |)i((iraiit)ii.- oil tlie Ilawhide used for beating Rattles in. the Beaver 
Hunille Ceri'inonios ........ 

27. The s;itTed Digging Stick and the Case for the Natoas 

28. Tiie Natoas, or Sun Dance Headdress and the Hair-lock Necklace 

29. The Winter Painted-Tipi, from a drawing by Three-bears 

30. The Paint and Hair Dress for the Owner of the Winter Painted-Tipi 

31. The Water-monster Painted-Tipi, from a drawing by Tom Kiyo . 

32. Smuilgc .\ltar for the Water-Monster Painted-Tipi 

33. A Set of Iniskim, or Buffalo Rocks 

34. The Bag in which the Iniskim are placed 

35. Smudge .Vltais .......... 



200 
210 
213 
235 
236 
239 
240 
242 
244 
256 



INTRODUCTION. 

The ceremonials described in tliis paper are those to Avhich we have 
given the name medicine bundles. By the Blackfoot, they are designated 
as saain, which we have translated as medicine, a word now used in anthropo- 
logical literature to express a similar concept. These medicine bundles are 
associated with the rituals to which they are, after all, entirely secondary. 
As every bundle and its ritual is conceived of as owned by a single person, 
we have limited this paper to the study of rituals of individual ownership. 
These do not constitute the entire ceremonial culture of the Blackfoot for 
they maintain societies and associations similar in number and character 
to those found among their neighbors. In most of these, however, the 
fundamental conceptions of the bundle scheme preVail, from which it follows 
that a proper understanding of this subject will suffice for the comprehension 
of the chief characteristics in this aspect of Blackfoot cidture. Because of 
this and the somewhat unique conceptions involved, we have felt justified 
in assigning a distinct paper to bundles and their rituals, reserving the data 
on collective ceremonies for a future publication. 

The data were gathered at various times since 1903, partly by the writer 
and partly by Mr. D. C. Duvall, the latter checking over with different 
informants all the earlier notes. Notwithstanding the rather extended 
series of investigation, we cannot claim completeness in any case, but have, 
we believe, illustrated the chief characteristics of each important type of 
bundle. It was our original plan to collect all the different rituals in the 
various groups but this was interrupted by Mr. Duvall's untimely death 
whence it seems best to publish our results as they stand. Had we been 
able to present the fifty or more rituals for the tipi bundles and the some 
twentj'-odd for the pipes as contemplated, a satisfactory insight into the 
genesis of these rituals would doubtless have resulted. In lieu of this com- 
pleteness of data, we have accepted statements from informants as to simi- 
larities and relationships between rituals when confirmed by objective or 
analytic evidence. In the following paper we have given, according to our 
judgment, all the more important concrete data collected though the Duvall 
manuscripts reporting in full the statements of various informants and his 
own observations contain much further detail. The reader wishing to get a 
general idea of the Blackfoot bundle scheme may find sufficient information 
in the section on general ceremonial features and certain discussions under 
personal medicines. 



70 Arithi(>i><>l,,t/ir(il Papers Americnn Muscinii of Xatiiral History. [Vol. \ll, 

It was our intt-iition to print texts for inaiiy of the songs and a few 
important parts of rituals, but since Prof. C. C. Uhlenbeck has ready for 
tlie press a collection of texts and Dr. Truman Michelson has taken up the 
linguistic investigation for the Bureau of American Ethnology and this 
not being in any sense a linguistic study, we have omitted these fragmentary 
texts. Mr. Duvall, it should be remembered, was a native Blackfoot, and 
by his training and experience, interested in practical linguistics. The 
subjects discussed in this paper occupied his time more or less continuously 
for eight years and his manuscript notes pertaining thereto were regarded 
by him as his most important contribution. 

It remains to acknowledge the cooperation of Dr. Robert H. LoAvie in 
checking up some parts of tiie data among the Northern Blackfoot and the 
editorial assistance of Miss Bella AVeitzner. 

February, 1912. 



1912.] Wissler, Blackfaot Bundles. 71 



I. MEDICINE EXPERIENCES. 

As an introduction to this phase of Blackfoot culture we present a number 
of personal narratives recounting medicine experiences. That these seven 
men actually experienced these happenings in their subjective aspects is, 
of course, impossible of proof; but all of them seemed to lead lives of 
integrity and sincerity and to bear reputations of honesty except the third, 
who was held in some distrust but recognized as a medicineman of more 
than ordinary powers. We, ourselves, detected in his narratives certain 
evidences of plagiarism, but the value of the data does not depend upon the 
actuality of the events narrated. We are certain that these narratives 
are typical accounts of the kinds of experiences a Blackfoot of some impor- 
tance is assumed to have passed through. Even the most commonplace 
Indian is accustomed to explain any special aptitude he is credited with 
by similar narratives, though often of the crudest sort. We are not sure 
that such of these narratives as do recount real experiences (dreams or 
visions) are complete, for the discussion of this aspect of a Blackfoot's 
inner life is a delicate matter admitting of no cross-questioning. As stated 
elsewhere, it is a social breach to ask a direct question about any such 
experiences. In the case of several narratives, the man felt called upon to 
pray to the power concerned for permission to speak frankly of the relation 
between himself and it, explaining that he was about to do this for my 
enlightenment, etc. No doubt some of this was for effect, a feature present 
in most acts of a medicineman, but on the other hand, this was usually so 
mumbled that its import alone could be detected. If we were put to it 
for an opinion we would say that we believed narrators A and D absolutely 
sincere, while the others may have incorporated some experiences of other 
men legitimately transferred to them, which, as we shall see later, gave 
them the right to feel that they had the same experience. The following 
narratives are offered, therefore, as types of assumed personal experiences. 

We have used the term medicineman to signify a man skilled in the 
handling of bundles and conducting their ceremonies. There is nothing 
to distinguish him from other men, for most men own some kind of a bundle 
however small, and thus stand in gradual gradation. We accepted the 
Blackfoot designation: i. e., those called medicinemen by them are so 
termed by us; but they themselves recognize the vagueness of the concep- 
tion and the gradation. A doctor, on the other hand, is one who treats 
disease by virtue of powers obtained through dreams or visions and in no 



72 AnthropoIiKjinil Painrs Amcriaiii Museum of Xutuml Ilistori/. [Vol. MI, 

otlit-r maiiiMT. Thus, while doctors may he great and small, they are never- 
theless doctors hy virtue of this experience. A medicineman may have owned 
all rituals and stand preeminent in ceremonial skill and yet not be a doctor. 
Hy material wealth one may take high rank as a medicineman, as we shall 
see later; hut all this will not suffice to make him a doctor. By transfer, 
a kind of purchase, a medicineman may acquire the visions and supernormal 
experiences of others; but a doctor nmst himself have the experiences and 
further, such experiences as confer on him power to treat the sick. Medi- 
cinemen may lia\e experiences of their own in which powers are conferred, 
but unless these give them definite control over disea.se they are not doctors. 
Obviously, a medicineman may also be a doctor and the reverse. This 
paper, however, is concerned almost exclusively with the medicineman, 
his bundle and its ritual. 

Medicineman A. 

(■") 

When I was a young man I went up on Heart Hutte and fasted and 
prayed for seven days. 1 was dressed in very old clothes and continually 
called upon the sun to have pity on me. At last, the sun appeared before 
me as a \(i\ old man, gave me a drum and one song. He explained to me 
that this drum and the song were to be used in making clear weather. 
I kept this drum many years. On the fourth of July, 1902, while our people 
were in camp preparing for the sun dance, there came a great rain which 
threatened to flood the whole camp. I beat my drum and sang my song 
which kept the water away from my tipi; but the water went into all the 
other tipis. Then I made up my mind to cause the w^ater to drown out the 
tipi of my rival. So I kept my mind on that one thing, dnnnmed and 
.sang the song, until at last the water ro.se on my rival and forced liim to 
move. 

In the following year. 1 received another drum from the sun. One night 
in my sleep the sun appeared to me as an old white-haired man, very poor, 
and carrying a drum on his shoulder. This man taught me a new song and 
the use of this drum. Its power is very great. When 1 am drununing and 
singing a .song the people gather around, l)ut they can only get within a 
certain distance as the jjower of ilir dinni holds them back. It has the same 
power f)ver all living thinirs. cmh the gra.ss (50-5384). 

(b) 

One limr. I was >lc..pii,g out in the l)rusli and was awakened by a 
whittling noi>e. I |,,oke.| up and around, but saw nothing. I slept again 



1912.] Wtsder, Blackfoot Bundles. 73 

only to be wakened by the same noise, and looking around saw nothing. 
Then I pretended to go to sleep, partly closed my eyes, and waited. Again 
I heard the sound and looking around saw a worm on a reed crawling in 
and out of four holes. Now, I knew this to be the cause of the sound, so 
I broke off the reed, took it home and used it as a whistle. 

One night shortly after this, I dreamed that an old man and an old 
woman came into my tipi. The man had an iron whistle (section of a gun 
barrel) and the woman a wooden one. Each of them offered me their 
whistles, but I took the iron one. Then the old man said to me, " Do you 
know me?" "No," I replied. "I live in the sky," he said, "and as long 
as you live you will be protected by me. In a fight do not fear guns. Now, 
look into the fire." The moment I looked at the fire, there was a great puff 
scattering the fire all about. In the flash I saw many guns. Then the old 
man took some feathers from his head and gave them to me. He wore a 
robe and some feathers were tied on his whistle. This old man was the 
morningstar, and the weasel skin and the button you see upon my whistle 
are to represent him (50-5385). 

When I took the iron whistle the old woman, who was the moon, became 
angry and threw her wooden whistle into the fire where it turned into a 
snake and ran away ; but some time after this the old woman came back to 
me in a dream and gave me the wooden whistle. She also said that this 
whistle had the power to prevent child-bearing and I have used it for that 
purpose ever since. 

(c) 

The shell necklace of which I speak was given to me in a dream at the 
time of the sun dance. An old man with white hair and very old clothes 
came to me in a dream and said, " This medicine lodge is ours, the weather 
is ours, and when you wish the weather to be good you must go to the water 
and dive. Now, I give you this power and you must give me what I ask for." 
Since this time I have kept the shell and have exercised my power over the 
weather, and at the time of the sun dance I keep the rain away. Not long 
ago the old man appeared to me in a dream and asked me to give him some 
old clothes. He hinted that he had an intention not to help me make clear 
weather any more. So the next day I took some old clothes and put them 
upon the top of a small hill. After that the sun helped me to make clear 
weather as before. 

id) 

Once I dreamed that I saw an old woman facing the sun. Her hair was 
white with age. She had her back towards me and at her side stood an old 
man wearing a headdress like mine. I had in my hand a fan of feathers and 



74 Anthrnpnlnijinil I'lipcrs Amcriaui MHsnun of Xatural Illstari/. \\u\. Ml, 

tin- (»I(1 wi.iiiaii rfi|iic.stc(l inc to give tlu- fan lo her. This I promised to do. 
Then the old woman said, "Look at me, my son, see how fine I look." 
Then I looked at her and eould see her face through her head. Her face 
was painted with a black circle and a dot on the nose. Then the old man 
sang four songs. You will remember that in the sun dance I painted the 
faces of women with black circles and dots. This is wliy 1 did it. 

(e) 

One time I had a dream in wliich a medicine woman came by and gave 
me some paint. She said if I would use this paint I would never get the 
smallpox. Some time after this the smallpox broke out among our people. 
My wife was very ill but in order to get away from the smallpox, I put her 
on a travois and started out. Finally, the travois broke down and we 
stopped to camp. While we were at this place, as I lay on the ground one 
day looking towards Sweet Grass Hills, I saw a star coming toward me. 
.\s it came along it left a path, one side of which was yellow, and the other 
lihic. It passed directly over my head and then disappeared. As it w^ent 
along it said, "I am the morningstar, I shall give you my power." Xow% 
this is why I wear the brass button on my robe, it represents the morning- 
star (50-4507). 

(f) 

One time in a dream the sun came to me and said, "Look at the old 
woman's face (moon)." I looked around and saw that she had turned her 
back, but I saw through her head. I could see the paint on her face. There 
was a black spot on her nose, and a ring over her forehead, cheeks, and chin. 
Then the sun said, "Look at my face. This is the way you are to paint 
your face. You nmst always wear a cap made of running fisher skin with 
one feather. This cap is to be like the one I now wear. If you do this you 
shall ha\-e power to turn away rain." (Fig. 6.) 

Now w hen you see me in the sun dance I shall wear that cap, and paint 
my face as directed. I shall also paint the faces of the women, who come 
to me, like that of the old woman, the moon. 

The robe which you .saw me wear the other day came from the thunder 
bird. The thunder bird came to me in a dream and said, "Whatever you 
wish as to the weather when wearing this robe, no matter how bad the 
weather may be, it will clear up. If the weather should be clear and you 
desire it to rain take some water into your mouth and blow four times on 
the sun plate [large brass button] on the center of the robe. Then it will 
rain." 



1912.] Wisftler, Bhickfoot Biotdles. lO 

Medicineman B. 

(«) 

One night I slept in the open out on the prairie. I heard some rattles 
beating. There was a strong west wind blowing at the time which carried 
the sound to me. I got up, followed the sound and came at last to the top 
of a hill. As I looked down beyond I saw many tipis. I approached the 
camp and coming near one of the tipis found that I could see through it as 
if it were transparent. Inside, was a man using rattles. This was the noise 
that I had heard. His body and hair were painted all over with red. 
This man invited me to enter and after a while said, " I shall give you my 
hair, all the beaver medicine, and all the songs." After this I had the 
beaver medicine and songs. 

(b) 

Another time, when sleeping I saw a man with very long hair. His hair 
was painted red. There were some buffalo rocks tied to his hair. This 
is what made his hair grow so long. In this way I got power to make the 
hair grow long, and you see that my hair is very long. 

(c) 

One time, many years ago, I had been sick for so long a time that I 
expected to die. So I had a sweat house made ready and the people all 
prayed for me. Then I went up on a hill and prayed to everything I could 
see for help. After a time I came down and returned to my tipi. I slept. 
In my sleep help came to me. I dreamed that an old man with gray hair 
and beard came to me. The old man said, "Give me the letter." [Some- 
thing upon which there was writing.] " I have no letter," I replied. " Yes, 
you have a letter," said he, "and I want it." But I had no letter. "Yes, 
you have a letter," said the old man, and reaching down he pulled a letter 
from my abdomen. "This is what made you sick," said he, "now you will 
get well." I saw this letter for a moment; it resembled a piece of glass 
with writing on one side. After this I recovered. 

Medicineman C. 

(a) 

One time seven years ago, I went up to the top of Heart Butte. It was 
in the afternoon. I made a shelter wall of rock, in which I slept and fasted. 
During the first night and the second night I dreamed notliing. On the 



(t'l Antliri)iii>l(Hfiriil Paiurs American Museum of Nalurul Ilistnrij. [Vol. VII, 

tliinl iiioniiiij,' 1 liad a little diraiii, but it was of no iiiij)ortaiK'e. On the 
fourth morning 1 suddenly awakened and saw many rats (?) eating my 
hhmket. About the middle of the forenoon, there appeared to me an old 
couple (man and wife) with a son. The man and woman were so old that 
they hail to hold up their eyelids when they wanted to see. The old man 
addressed iiif, "My son, do you know' me?" "No," I replied. "Well," 
said he, "my name is Always Visible." This I knew to be the sun man. 
Then the oUl woman addressed me, "Do j'ou know me?" "Xo," I replied. 
Again she .said, " Do you know me? " " No," I said again. " Well," she said, 
"my name is Moon Woman." Then the son addressed me, "Do you 
know iiif?" " No," T replied. "Well," said he, "my name is morningstar." 
'I'lif old man then addressed nie, "I will give you my body. You will live 
as long as I. 1 am the one who operates the clouds. There is no rainstorm 
that I cannot stop." Then tiie old woman addressed me, "My son, all 
the clouils in the sky are the paint for my face. Now, if I paint my face, 
it rains; if I do net paint my face, it does not rain. This power I give you." 
Then the son gave me feathers, which I now wear on this hat. (The plume 
of an eagle and the tail feathers of a magpie.) It was in this w^ay that I 
was given power over the rain as you saw at the stm dance. 

(b) 

One time about five years ago, while sleeping in my house I dreamed of 
the thunder bird. It was in the autumn about the time the thunder bird 
leaves. I saw a heavy cloud and as the thunder l)irfl passed by, it said to 
me, "My son, I am going away." 

Now, tiie following spring, long before the usual time for the return of 
the thunder bird I .saw him again in a dream. Again the thimder bird 
addressed me, "My son, you must give all the Indians a feather from the 
tail of a magpie, for all those who do not receive one will be struck by 
lightning." 

M the usual lime for the first thunder in the spring, it rained and stormed 
for three days atid on the fourth day, the lightning killed an old woman. 
Shortly after this, the thunder bird addressed nie, "My son, I will give 
you my tipi, my paint, and my smudge." (Tlio j)aint referred to is dark 
blue.) I now have all these things and for that reason the thunder bird 
neither injures me nor my friends. Recently, the thunder bird informed 
me that he docs not intend to take away any of our people this year. 



Once when 1 was on the Teton River I eame to a large Cottonwood tree 
on the top of which some bald eagles had their nest. They had killed a very 



1912.] Wissler, Blackfont Bundles. 77 

large rabbit and carried it up to the nest. I said to myself, "These birds 
seem to have some power. I will sleep here." So I made a shelter of 
brush to sleep in. In my sleep I heard the two eagles disputing with each 
other as to their respective powers. The male turned himself into a person, 
took up some yellow paint, rubbed it on his arm, then took a knife and cut 
the veins. Then the female bird turned herself into a woman and called 
to me, "Now watch me, I shall cure this man." She took some white 
paint, spat upon it, and rubbed it upon her forehead. At once the man was 
cured. Then she addressed me again, "Now my son, when you doctor a 
person whose veins have been cut, you should do as you saw me do." Since 
that time I have had the power to stop bleeding. 

(d) 

You may remember that near the old agency is a large rock upon the 
side of a hill. Once I went there to sleep and this rock gave me the power 
to cure diseases. It gave me a little drum. I dreamed that I was on the 
inside of a tipi and that the rock became a man. The rock man was about 
to doctor a skeleton. He had three red hot stones. He picked up one 
in his hands and began to lick it. I watched him and saw that no injury 
was done him. One after the other, he took up all the heated stones. Then 
he took an eagle wing fan and a buffalo calf robe. The robe he used to 
cover the skeleton. Then he waved the fan three times over the robe and 
at the fourth time, threw the fan at it. As he did this, a rabbit sprang up 
and ran away. Then the calf skin robe was taken up and the skeleton had 
disappeared. It was in this dream that I was given the power to handle 
red hot stones. 

(e) 

Once when on Milk River I came to a large rock on the side of which 
a hawk had a nest, but too far down for me to reach. So I lay down on the 
edge of the rock above and tried to get at the nest with my bow. While 
I was doing this, the male hawk came and put me to sleep right where I was. 
This hawk immediately turned into a man, wearing a buffalo robe who 
addressed me, " My son leave my children alone. I will give you my body 
that you may live long. Look at me. I am never sick. So you will 
never have any sickness. I will give you power to fly. You see that ridge 
over yonder (about a mile away) well, I will give you power to fly there." 

On awakening, I told my chum what I had experienced, and that I 
proposed to fly. So I took oflF my clothes, and with a buffalo robe went 
back some distance from the edge of the river. Then I took a run and 
springing from the edge of the cliff, spread out my arms with the blanket 



78 Anthn>i>olo(/ical PapcrK American Mii.^citui of Xalaail Hislonj. [Vol. VII, 

for wings. I .seenu'd to Ix- going all right for a inoiiifiit, hut soon lost 
control and fell, striking sonic rock and rolling into the river. I was stunned 
hy the fall and was drawn under a rock hy the current where I went round 
and round, striking my head. I called to my companion for help. At 
first he did nothing Init scold me for my folly. At last, he took pity on me 
and pullet! me out. Then we started home, hut I was very sick and vomited 
a great deal. When I reached home I asked my mother to fix a shady place 
outside of the lodge, for my head ached very mucii. Now, niy father had 
no sympathy for me because he had a suspicion that I liad done some foolish 
thing. He intjuired of my companion, and thus learned all that had hap- 
pened. Then he scolded me, calling mv a foolish and presumptuous young 
fellow, and all tiic other names he could think of. This is the one time in. 
which I was fooltil in my dreams. 



Medicixemax L). 

(a) 

When I was about fifteen years old my people were camped near the 
Sweet Grass Hills. My father was a chief and very rich. My mother was 
a good provider. Both my parents were good-natured. So I thought 
that my father ha\ ing been a good man and of some importance, it would 
be well for me to go out somewhere and sleep and get some power. This 
was after my parents died. Both of them had advised me to do this. So 
I went down to the Sweet Grass Hills. Before I went I filled a pipe, took it 
to a medicineman, telling him that I was poor and that I was going to sleep, 
etc. The medicineman told me that I would be a great chief some day and 
that I would have a dream and get some power. So he took some yellow 
paint, and something for the smudge, sang a song, and began to fix me up. 
His .song was: "The man above hears me. The ground hears me. It is 
my medicine." Tlicii this man prayed to the sun saying, " Look down upon 
this boy. He is poor, (iive him some power, and help him to become a 
great man. Help him to become a great chief, etc." 

Then tlic man took the paint, painted me, naming all the different ani- 
mals as lie did so. He named all that fly> all that swim, and all that walk, 
etc. "Of these, one will come to you. Now when 3'ou go out to sleep you 
imist stay with it. ^ Ou must not be scared away. If you run away, you 
will not get power to become a great man." Then while the man was paint- 
ing me he sang this .song: "He hears me. The wind is my medicine. The 
ruin is my medicine." He rubbed the paint upon the front and the back of 
my head and on my breast and l)ack, and on my shoulders. As he did so, 
he sang, " .\<>w this man has the sim ])()\v('r." 



1912.] Wissler, Blackfonl Bundles. 79 

Then I went up on the hills and made a shelter in which to sleep. Look- 
ing down, I could just see the camp below. As it grew dark I began to 
think of bears and was frightened. I thought of how- they might come in 
and eat me. Then I thought that the Assiniboine might come and kill me, 
but worst of all, I thought that a ghost might come and twist my mouth. 
(Piegan have the belief that ghosts have the power to twist mouths out of 
shape and to affect the speech.) When I thought of all this I became 
greatly afraid, and thought it would be best for me to go home, but when 
I thought of what the man had told me and of how I should be ridiculed 
if I failed to stay my time, I thought it would be better to be killed than to 
endure this. So I thought I would try to sleep, but I could not. All night 
I imagined I heard people coming, people coughing, etc. I was in great 
fear all night. The next day I stood on my feet all day, and by night I 
was so tired, that I had to sleep. Now, of course, I was not afraid. I stayed 
there for seven days and nights and at last had a dream. In this dream I 
saw a raven flying toward me and heard him sing. This was in the daytime 
but I was asleep. Then a person appeared to me and said, " There is a hill 
down by the river and a man invites you." Now the raven was a messenger 
and told me that this man had the power of eating. He said, " He knows 
all about eating. No matter what happens he will never be killed. He will 
always get food. I am going to call on someone else, but this man is going 
to help you out." When we came to the man, the raven asked him to help 
his son (referring to the narrator), as he was a very poor boy. Now the 
man said, " Raven, you give him power first, then I will fix him up." 

So the raven put some red paint down and made a smudge of sweet pine. 
Then he sang a song, took up the paint and prayed for me. Then he sang 
another song and made the sound of a raven. Then the raven said, "You 
must not jump or try to dodge bullets, for they will not hit you. But you 
must let no one throw a moccasin at you or hit you with it or you will 
lose your power." 

Now it was the man's turn. He wore a coyote skin for a cap and this he 
gave to rae. He made a smudge out of sage grass. (This is seldom used 
by the Piegan.) Then he sang a song, "I want to eat a person," and made 
the sound of a coyote. Then he took up some white paint, rubbed it on my 
body, painted my nose and mouth red, and my head, breast, and back 
yellow. "Now," said the man, "I give you powder to doctor men shot by 
bullets. Power to take out the bullets. Power to take out things sticking 
in the throat, as when people are choked." Now I have this power. 



Ml Aitlhiopnhxjiail Pdjurs Aniericcni Museum of Xdtitnil History. [Vo\. VII, 

(b) 

Now Itflow rliis j)lact' (Two Mcdicitu'j is ii long lake and a place where 
the land stieks out into the water. On this place are some high rocks. It 
is a tlangerous looking place and I picked it out as a place to sleep. Other 
people when trying to sleep at this place were always frightened away. I 
stayed there five days and nights, and at last when I was asleep 1 dreamed 
that I was going out in one direction when a man called to me from another 
direction iiniting iiir To enter his tipi. When I went into the tipi, I found 
that ilicrr were six ( liiMrcn in the family. Among them was a girl. The 
nuin said. " I gi\e you all ni\ children, my clothes, and my tipi. Now, 
shut your eyes." \\'liil(' this was going on, the woman in the tipi confided 
to me that 1 was to get a puzzle (a kind of mystery J. 

Now, when my eyes were shut I foimd something in my throat. It felt 
as if .something slippery was passing down. The man said to me, " Do you 
feel anything going into you?" "Yes," I replied. "AYell," said the man, 
" I ga\e you that. After this, you will drink much water. You must never 
chew anything like gum or lake grass, the onion kind you must never put 
into your mouth." (One time after this I made a mistake and felt a move- 
ment in my stomach and up toward my throat as if something was trying 
to get out, hut I worked it hack.) Since that time I drink a great deal of 
water, hecause this thing which he gave me requires much water. P^very 
day 1 iinist take a swim, as I do not feel right unless I do. 



Medicineman E, 

00 

One time 1 owned a running fisher ti])i, and c\-ery e\'ening and every 
morning I l)urned incense. .\ow, one night I dreamed that four minks 
canir in. They ran up and ilown my body. Then a man and his wife 
came in followed hy a yellow dog. The man and his wife were painted red 
all o\cr. Jt was in this way that I got the medicine of the minks. In the 
transfer the minks stood on each side of me, the man in front of me, the 
woman hchind the man, and the dog behind her. The man held a buffalo 
tail in lii> hand and wa\C(| it while the sf)ngs wi-rc sung. In this way I 
learned the songs and the use of the medicine. 

(h) 

One night I dreame.l tliai I was out in a large forest. The trees were 
very thick. I'resently I heard an owl singing in a tree. So I got up from 



1912.] Wisslcr, Blackfoot Bumlles. 81 

my bed, looked around, hut could see nothing. Now, the fourth time this 
happened I saw an owl sitting up in a tree nodding his head. This owl sang 
a song four times. Then he came down and I went up to him; as I ap- 
proached him he seamed to be a man. Also, a tipi stood there. The owl 
invited me into the tipi. I went in and sat down. The owl on one side and 
I on the other. Then the owl sang the same song again four times. The 
w^ords in the song were: "Where you sit is medicine." Now this owl gave 
me his power and this power enables me to cure people. 



Medicineman F. 

(a) 

Now, I will tell you how I once got some power from a skunk. Long ago, 
when I was camping in a place I went out one morning to get my horse. 
While going along I saw a skunk following me. I thought to myself, " Now, 
this skunk wants something from me." So I said to him, " Skunk, follow 
me." He did so and when I came near the camp I said to him, "Skunk, 
\'ou wait here." Then I went into the camp and brought out some food 
for him. The skunk ate. Then he stood up, turned around, raised his 
tail, and discharged his odor. Then he taught me a formula (songs, etc.) 
and told me the next time I killed a skunk I should keep the skin as a medi- 
cine. These songs and this skin give me the jxiwer to cure diseases. 

(b) 

Once I was watching a woodpecker and another bird sitting on a tree. 
They said, "Now, watch us and we shall give you power to cure disease." 
So they taught me songs and how to use them when doctoring the sick. I 
have used these songs to cure many people. 

(c) 

One time at a place where Badger Creek runs into Two Medicine Ri\er, 
I saw two owls on a tree. Each owl in turn sang a song. Then one of 
them spoke to me, telling me that I would always be fortunate and get much 
property. They told me to take some of their children for medicine. So 
ever since that I have kept the head of an owl and I have always had much 
propertv (riO-4437). 

id) 

One time when'sleeping out on the j)rairic I saw a lot of buffalo bulls in a 
dream. There seemed to 1)(> two leaders in the herd. These leaders wore 



82 Anthropological Papcra Anicriaiit .\fuscitm of Xatuml History. [Vol. VII, 

wur-bonnets of eaglr featlu-rs. One half of the bonnet was painted red, 
and the other half bhic Their faces were painted in the same way. Their 
bodies were painted yellow. Each of them carried quivers made of crow- 
wings. Now, these bulls gave me a war-bonnet and some songs. These 
songs gave me power to get plenty of food, etc. The bulls danced in a 
circle as they sang. 

ir) 

Once in a dream 1 saw some crows witli white \m'mX on their l)rcasts and 
tails. The crows told me they would uixc me i)ower, so that when I 
wished the weather to be foggy I must paint myself similarly. Thus, I 
got power to make foggy weather. Also, the\- gave me power to get much 
food. i)roporty, etc. 

(/) 

As you ask me liow 1 came by my power to find things that are lost, I 
shall tell you the story. 1 got this power from a fish hawk. Once when 
a young man I went with a war party against the Crow, and when we were 
near the Yellowstone River a buffalo was killed. Here I left the war party. 
At this time the Yellowstone River was high. I saw some fish hawks with a 
nest on an island in the river. I cut out some meat from the buffalo, and 
went as near to the nest as I could get, offering the meat to the fish hawks. 
Then I laid it down upon a rock, saying, "This is for you." Then I lay 
down upon the ground. One of the fish hawks made a noise. The female 
fiew around over me. As I lay on my back looking up she dropped a stick 
on me saying, "This is a whistle. It will give you power to see through 
nniddy water." Then she dived down, went under the w^ater, stayed a long 
time, and came out with a fish. "Now," said she, "you have this power." 
Then the nude fish hawk dived and < anic up with a fish. Ever since that 
time I have had my power. 



Mki)I(inf:m.\n G. 

This man is especially skillful in what is called Cree medicine which has 
to do with the diseases of women in particular, but also applies to other kinds 
of sickness and l(t\f alVairs. His narration was as follows: — 

("^ 

WlicncMi- au lixHaii sleeps and especially when he has a dream, he 
appeals to tlir j)o\vtT of a moth or butterfly. When 1 was a small boy I 
was very poor, but being anxious to become a sonicbtxly, went out to sleep 



1912.] Wisdcr, Blarkfnol Ihtmllcs. 83 

alone in dangerous plaees, hoping that I might have a dream and obtain 
some power thereby. I had my first dream at the mouth of the river. In 
this dream I saw a boy. There was nothing unusual about him. He wore 
leggings of calfskin, a shirt, and a robe. "When I saw him I was making a 
hole in the ground in which to build a fire. The boy said to me, "Come 
over to see my father," but I refused to go with him. The next night the 
boy came again and invited me to come over to see his father, but I refused 
again. However, the next night I agreed to go. He opened a door in the 
side of a rock and we entered. There was a family of three people in it: 
a man, a woman, and the boy. When I went in, the woman made signs 
to me implying that I would be offered some medicine by her husband, 
but that I should decline everything except some owl feathers hanging by 
the door. 

After I had been there for a while the man said to me, " Look around this 
tipi, see the medicine which hangs here, you may take your choice." Now, 
the woman continued to advise me secretly by signs, and after looking over 
the medicine I said to the man, "I will take the feathers by the door." 
"Why do you want those?" said the man, "they are no good whatever." 
But I insisted that I wanted them and at the fourth request the man con- 
sented. When he gave me the feathers he said, "My son, you will never 
be killed in battle; but I will tell you two things. You will be in a fight 
some time and a ball will pass through you. Then again you will be in a 
fight and a ball will strike you but not pass through. I sent for you because 
my boy said that a stranger was sleeping near by and that he needed help. 
So I requested him to bring you in, saying that if you chose the owl feathers 
I would do something for you." 

Then the man showed me his power. He hung up a robe, shot at it, 
the bullet struck it and fell down to the ground. " This is the way your body 
will be," he said. Then again he said, " If you want the ball to go through 
it, do it this way." Then he took up a straw and pushed it against the robe, 
and it passed through like a sharp needle. " Thus you will have the power 
to make bullets go through," he said. 

Now, one time I was in a fight and I said to myself, " Here is a chance to 
try my power. Now let a ball go through my body." At once, a ball 
passed through my shoulder. Then I said, " Let a ball not go through my 
body." Then three balls struck me, but fell to the ground. They left 
three marks on my body, however. 

(h) 

One tinie I had a dream in which a man came to me and said, " ^Sly son, 
what are you doing here"/" I explained to him that I was sleeping out in 



S-} Anlhrnpohntinil I'diirr.t Atiicrintn }[u.seiim of Xdliinil llislonj. (N'ol. \I1, 

tlic hope thai 1 iiii^lit -;(t sonic kind of power. "Wdl," said the man, 
" lici-f is a weasel >kin, and xoii will he ahle to cure many people with it." 
This man also ^ave ine a s(|uiirel tail and with these things I cure disorders 
of the howels. The way I do this is to tie the squirrel tail on the man's 
Kelt. allowin<: him to wear it four nights. 

(c) 

Xow another time I had a dream in which a man appeared to me and 
said, " I gi\e you my body. Vou must carve its image in wood and carry 
it with _\()U. Whenever anyone has a hemorrhage put the image on his 
l)ody and the hemorrhage will stop." With this I have cured wounds, 
disorders of the howels and hemorrhage. 

id) 

Once wlieii I was out in tiic nortli (('ana(hi) my wife died. I went out 
on the |)rairie to mourn and wandered about and slept anywliere 1 happened 
to lie. One night I slept on a ridge where some Indians were buried. After 
thi> 1 fell very ill, and one day about noon, when the people were in my tipi, 
I recoxcred. At the nionu'iit of rccoxcry, 1 coidd .see through the side of 
the tipi as if it were transi)arent. 1 saw the ridge where I slept. I saw all 
the dead sitting up in their gra\e boxes. Then I told the people that the 
dead were sitting up. None of the people could see them, but I could see 
them during the whole day. Once I saw them get out and shake off all 
their clothes. I saw them take up their blankets and start toward the camp, 
led l)y a woman with a baby. Then I asked the people what was going to 
happen and when I told them Avhat I saw they declared me to be crazy. 
Now the procession of the dead came up to the tipi; they were all painted; 
they came and stood before me. I cried out that they were after me. Then 
one of the dead took the baby which the woman carried and put it down on a 
small red neck cloth. One of the dead said, " Wc shall kill this young man 
with the bal)y." Then the dead l)i"gan to dance aroimd in the tipi. I 
covered my face with the blanket and shut my eyes. Now, I saw my own 
dead body before me. All this time the dead were dancing. One of them 
took uj) the baby, swung it three times and threw it at my body. M\ Ixxly 
<lodge<l; then each one of the d >ad in succession tried to hit my body with 
the baby, luit none of them succeeded. Then one of tlicin said, "Well, 
wc -shall h.iNc to let him go thi^ time." 

Onr of th.' d.-.id addressed inc. 'My son. wv will gi\c you a neck cloth 
which Itclongcd to the bab.w This neck cloth will gi\c you power to cure 



1912.] Wis.sin; lilarkjnol Jhuidles. 85 

cramps, rheuinatisiii, v\v. It also has power to ])ick u]) red hot stones and 
fire. So I received from them tliis formida: neck cloth, red hot stones, 
and tea. 

I saw a dog that had been shot through the neck and kidneys. I felt 
sorry for the dog and carried him home to the camp, fed him and took care 
of him. One day I lay down and slept beside him. I had a dream. In the 
dream the dog became a man and spoke to me. The dog said, " Now, I will 
give you some roots for medicine and show you how to use them. Whenever 
you see anyone who is ill and feel sorry for him, use this methcine and he 
will be well." One of these medicines is good for sore throat. 

(/) 

This is about the Cree medicine. When I was a young man I began to 
think of picking out a young girl for myself. Finally, I came to have one 
particular girl in mind and always thought of her, but she never took notice 
of me. Then I heard of a man who had power to make love medicine. So 
I took a horse and went over to his camp. I entered his tipi and after a 
time told him what I wished. He said to me, " Do you believe this medi- 
cine has power? If you believe in it I will give it to you." I told him that 
I did believe in it, but the old man repeated this question se\-eral times. 
Each time I protested that I did believe in it. 

Then the man closed the smoke hole to the tipi and everything around 
so that all was tight. Then he gave me the medicine. He directed me to 
give away my clothes to a stranger and request that stranger to go and pull 
a hair from the girl's head. She must know nothing of this, l)ut he must 
secure it, while talking to her or some of her companions. 

Then I went home, gave my clothes away as a present to an old woman, 
requesting her to get a hair for me. Now, the woman happened to be over 
at the tipi of the girl and offered to look for lice upon her head. While 
doing this she stole a hair. 

Now, the medicine given me was tied up in a very small buckskin bag, 
and I took the hair as directed and placed it in the bag. That same e\ening 
at sundown, the girl came into camp looking for me. When night came, 
she came into my tipi. For a long time, she followed me about everywhere 
as if hypnotized. After a while, I took the hair out of the bag and gave it 
back to her. I explained to her that it was all o\er between us and that she 
would never care for me any more. Then she went away and never came 
back. 



S(j Antfiiopolixjiail I'apiiti American Museum of Xaluntl Hislonj. [\o\. \ll, 

ig) 

One tiiiit' a girl iiiuilf fun of mc, so I got a horse and took it to a Cree 
Indian that I might get some medicine. He gave me two medicines. One 
meilicine was to he used in case I could not induce anyone to go to the girl. 
I was to mix up the medicine as directed and dip the end of a straw in it to 
make dots on the palm of my hand in the form of a square with one in 
the center. Then I was to run my hand over my eyes, go into the camp, 
and watcii my chance to get the girl to look at me. I was told that if I got 
her eye, I would have her. 

\Vhen I was ready I started out to find this girl. 1 saw her going down 
for water so I went down that way and met her as .she was coming back. 
As I passed by, the girl said, "My, you smell like Cree medicine." Then I 
started back toward her tipi. She followed, came in, threw herself upon 
me, and kissed me. Then I reproached her and so did all the people in the 
tipi. But this had no effect upon her for she kept me there for three days. 
Then I thought it was time to break the spell, so I took a cup of water, 
made the five dots upon the water and drank. Then I gave some of the 
water to the girl. Then she paid no more attention to me. 

(/O 

At another time I saw a very fine girl. She had long liair and was very 
beautiful, so I put the medicine on my hands, rubbed them on my breast, 
upon my blanket, and on the soles of my feet. Then I walked around the 
girl's tipi in the direction of the sun, returning to my own tipi. Now all 
this time the girl was away at the agency getting rations for her family. 
On her return, when she came to my trail she stopped. Then she took her 
meat into the house and came out again. She stood outside, arranging 
licr clotliis and looking toward my tipi. Then she went in and dressed 
herself up. Then she started toward my tij)i. Then she turned back, 
cooked some food, and when it was ready brought it out with her and came 
into my ti])i. Then I covered myself u]) with my blanket and ijrctendctl to 
sir,.,,. ■ 

When the girl came up she looked in at the door and said, "He must be 
asleep." My people said, " Xo, he is not asleep." Then she came in and 
said, "(let up and eat." (This is merely a formal marriage ceremony.) 

When the girl iiad finished feeding me. I made her a present. She did 
not go away at once, l)Ut after a time took the present back to hci- tipi. In 
a .short time she returned and said, " I cannot stay awa\- from you, you nuist 
have .some power oNcr inc." "Oh. no." I replied, "you are mistaken." I 
advised her to return. "Well," slie said, "I cannot." Then I started to 



1912.] Wissln; Hlackfoot Bundles. 87 

leave the tipi, she took hold of me and lield ine l)aek. Then I decided to 
marry this girl, and she has been my woman ever since. I ha\e never 
released her from the power of the medicine. 

(0 

One time I was the victim of the Cree medicine. I went on a visit. I 
had a very fine horse. My host tried to induce me to give him the horse as 
a present, but I did not like to part with it. Now, this man had a sister. 
After a while, she came around me and carelessly rubbed her hand on me, 
saying, "Come over to the tipi and eat." 

When I had finished eating, I began to feel a great desire to stay. I 
struggled with myself. I started out, was a long time saddling my horse, 
and finally decided to go home; but as soon as I reached ni}- tipi, I turned 
about and came back again. It seemed that I did not know what I was 
doing. When I stood outside of her tipi, I hesitated to enter. I would 
start away and immediately come back. Then my host asked me to come 
in, and when I told him what the trouble was, he advised me to go away at 
once. But I did not heed his advice. I could do nothing but think of that 
girl. Finally, I went out and stood some distance from the tipi, and as I 
was standing there the girl passed. I stood perfectly still. As she re- 
turned she spoke to me saying, "Come in." Now I was glad and followed 
her at once. The next day the girl's brother told me that she had put 
love medicine on me. So I had to give her the horse to be released. 

Though the Blackfoot did not have a love medicine of their own, they 
made use of such obtained from the Cree. What they consider Cree medi- 
cine, however, may be used for almost any purpose. In view of the re- 
ported prevalence of such formulae among the western Cree data on this 
point may be important and justify the following extracts from Duvall's 
notes : — 

The Cree medicine consists of roots of many different kinds of plants 
pulverized and tied up in small buckskin bags, about one hdf inch in diame- 
ter. Sometimes these small bags may be seen fastened in rows of four or 
tied together in bunches. The Piegan claim that such medicine bags Avere 
tied to the cross stick used in the horse medicine (p. 108). This Cree 
medicine can be used in many different ways both externally and internally. 
It is effective in absent treatment. They also work its power by degrees. 
The power of these medicines is specific in that each particular medicine 
has power only over a definite thing. The Blackfoot regard them with 
fear and consider them very dangerous to handle or use. Those who do 



88 Anlhroi>oh)(jic(il Papiis American Museum of Xulural Uislorij. l\'ol. \'II, 

iiiakr use of tliciii must pray continually and exercise great care to carry 
out all the directions and requirements. They must be used secretly and 
are first held over a smudge of sweetgrass while praying to them. The bag 
is then opened and the medicine used according to directions. 

The medicines are used chiefly in love affairs. When a man wishes to 
win a girl's heart he first tries to secure some of her hair and when he gets it, 
places a lock in the small bag w^ith the medicine. Then as the medicine 
tak«'s effect the girl suddenly finds her whole mind occupied by the man w^ho 
made the medicine and eventually becomes so affected that she is only 
satisfied when by his side. Should she be prevented from seeing him, she 
would bt in great distress, cry, expressing her wish to see the man who made 
the medicine and nothing else would satisfy her. Then again, a man could 
put some of the medicine into chewing gum and gi\e it to tlie girl whose 
affection would be won in the same way. Again, it could be secretly placed 
in her food. Such love medicine cotdd be used either by a woman or a man 
with like results. 

There is also an antidote which may be carried or used by anyone to 
prevent the operation of love medicines. 

As previously stated, all such medicines are dangerous to handle and 
should one be careless with them he is likely to get the dose himself instead 
of the one toward whom he directed it. If he were not punished in this way 
he might expect bad luck, failure in health, the loss of relatives, etc. In 
consecjuence of this, everyone using tlie medicine not only does it secretly 
but with great caution. 

A special formula sometimes used is for the charmer to take a large 
piece of birchbark upon whicli are drawn the pictures of a man and a woman. 
Then a small sharpened stick is dipped into the Cree medicine and touched 
to the hearts of the two pictures. The idea is that as soon as this is done the 
person for whom the medicine was made is suddenly possessed with a strong 
desire to see the charmer and may be expected to visit him soon. 

( 'n<- medicines are transferred in about the same manner as medicine 
bundles. The fees are usually a horse and miscellaneous property. Usu- 
ally, when one wishes to win another's love, he or she calls upon some person 
known to Iuinc such medicine, engaging them to do the charming instead, 
l-'or this, lil)( ral IVcs arc gixcn. Such persons may also be called upon to 
injure another, as to in(hiee insanity, blindness, lameness, discoloration 
of tlie faei', distctrtion of the month, i-tc. On the other hand, there are 
owners of Cree medicine wlio ha\c the power to remove or restore all in- 
juries produced iti this way. Tlie usual procedure in such cases is to suck 
or otherwise draw something from the victim's body which is then loaded 
into a gim and fired off, the belief being that the medicine at once returns 



1912.] Wisshr, HIackfool lin>i<l[es. 89 

to the one who sent it and enterinj^ his body afOicts liiin with the same 
injury. It is said that the medicine will reach him although a thousand 
miles away. An informant well versed in the Cree medicine states that he 
knew of its being used on a woman noted for her extra fine headwork. In 
consequence of her skill in this line one of her neighbors became very jealous 
of her and so made medicine causing her skillful rival to suffer many months 
with a sore hand. After she had been unable to use her hand for a year a 
white doctor lanced it and found part of a needle in the palm. When the 
people heard of this they told the doctor that the needle had been shot into 
the woman's hand by means of Cree medicine but he only laughed and said 
there was no such thing. So to prove that story, they told him to see how 
long he could keep this needle. Then he put it into a bottle and corked it 
up tightly but was greatly surprised the next day when he found that the 
bottle was still corked up but no needle inside. A year after this he cut 
another needle from the same woman's hand. Later, it disappeared and 
turned up in one of her knees on account of which her leg has always been 
stiff. This woman is living to-day, so they say. 

Other medicines are to be used in the stick game. By the help of sucli 
medicines one seldom fails to win. The usual method is to carry a small 
bag concealed in the clothing. Some medicines are similarly used in foot 
races. The runners rub some of the medicine on their legs just before going 
into the race and occasionally some of it is eaten. Before the start, the 
runners using the Cree medicine endeavor to pass twice in front of their 
opponents, which it is believed induces the Cree medicine to act in such a 
way as to cramp the legs. For horse racing the formulae resemble very 
much that described in the section on horse medicines (p. 110). Others 
were effective in war to prevent the dogs of the enemy giving the alarm, etc. 
A favorite charm to work against the enemy was to dip rifle balls into Cree 
medicine before placing them in the gun, the idea being that anyone struck 
by such a ball would surely die.^ 

Cree medicine is sometimes used in hunting to charm the game and also 
in the reverse manner to prevent a rival hiuiter from succeeding. Other 
medicine rubbed on the legs enables the himter or warrior to stand a long 
march, to gain on the one pursued, and in turn to affect his legs. Other 
medicines rubbed on a chikl will prevent its crying for its own mother, as 
when taken by another to raise. It is said that the Cree when on the 
warpath frequently rubbed some of this medicine on their legs to prevent 
fatigue and to retard the speed of the enemy. 



' Seme Piegan informants claim that it is not the custom to use the Cree medicine on 
rifle balls, but that among their enemies they themselves had the reputation of u.sing poisoned 
bullets because woimds made by them were usually fatal. They explained this as probably 
due to the fact that when fighting the custom was to wet the ball in the mouth before loading. 



Anthropological I'ainrs Americoji Miisoo/i of Xolunil Histori/. \\o\. \'II, 



liiu's all Icati to his tipi they syiiil)oli'/(' li 




A nieilicinc is also used to f^aiii tlic <i()()(l will or iiitliiciicc of friciids so 
that they may lu' liberal in gifts of property, horses, etc. In such cases, a 
drawing on hirchhark is used as in Fig. 1. The drawing represents a tipi 
with many radiating lines representing ropes drawing on other peoples' 
property, such as, horses, saddles, guns, clothing, etc. As these many 

is ])ower to draw in or acquire such 
property. When a man has one of 
these birchbark medicines all visi- 
tors are strongly moved to make 
handsome gifts to the host. In 
using the medicine, the owner first 
rubs the birchbark with the con- 
tents of the small medicine bag 
then secretly places it at the lower 
inside of the tipi cover behind one 
of the rear poles. Then everyone 
entering the tipi falls under the 
spell of its secret influence. The 
bark is described as being about 
one foot square and must be held 
in a smudge of sweetgrass every 
time the tipi is moved. It is 
always kept behind one of the 
back lodge poles as noted above. 
The Cree, it is said, sometimes take the brains of their enemies and mix 
them with medicine. This makes a very powerful and dangerous formula. 
Again, it is said, the hearts of the bravest enemies killed in battle were torn 
out, dried, pulverized, and mi.xed with medicine. The Piegan say that such 
medicine was used by the Cree to cause death, and other calamities. 

Though not widely known and used l)y the Blackfoot, a few individuals 
make a practice of purchasing Cree medicines from the Cree and loaning, 
or transferring. tluMii to others for fees. The Cree usually demand high 
prices lor tlicir medicine, even as much as a horse and other property for a 
single small i)ag. When the Blackfoot are visiting the Cree they are usually 
very careful lest they come under the influence of someone's medicine. It 
is said that Calf-chief, once the head of the Piegan tribe, was killed through 
the powir of ( rcc medicine, some of the Cree having a grudge against him, 
causing him to fall ill with a severe headache of which he died in four days. 
-Ml visiting Cree are always carefully treated because it is believed that 
should an old Cree medicineman be insulted by anyone or come to dislike 
anyone he will be sure to make him the victim of his medicine. 



Fig. 1. Ofsit;n on Birchbark used in the 
Cree Mccliciiic iirawti hv a Pieman. 



1912.] Wisder, Blackjool Bundles. 91 



II. PERSONAL CHARMS AND MEDICINES. 

The subject matter of this section differs from the precedinj^ only in that 
we take material specimens as the points of departure. Indeed, sonic of the 
preceding can have no consistent claim to their place of treatment except 
that they happened to be integral parts of a series of narratives from one 
person. In most cases all such experiences as just recounted are associated 
definitely with material objects worn, handled, or cared for, and spoken of 
as medicine objects. With such objects then there is the belief in an ex- 
perience, usually a dream, during which some power or protection was 
conferred upon the dreamer. We collected a number of these objects, 
giving here in some detail those that seem to present the types and con- 
cerning which our information is more or less complete. We also collected 
information concerning many that were or could not be collected, but as 
these presented no important differences from those collected they may be 
omitted. 

A feature to be noted is that all these are individual and special nitiier 
than general. While such a distinction is not absolute it is convenient. 
Thus, the conceptions underlying the use of navel-cord amulets are analo- 
gous to those underlying other charms in that such originated in an in- 
dividual experience; but in practice, one needs only to hang on the person 
an object of the prescribed form to secure the protection desired. This is 
the sort of charm we ourselves know best; the mere presence of the object 
is sufficient to secure the result. With the class we have now to deal, this 
is not the case, for though one wore a similar object, he would not profit 
thereby unless put in the proper individual relation. 

In passing, it may be noted that many such simple charms are known to 
the Blackfoot, though the navel-cord amulet is the most conspicuous. The 
conception of its origin, however, is that it originated as an indixidual 
personal charm. ^ As we are interested in functions rather than origins, 
further consideration of this class seems imnecessary. 

Another point of interest is that these personal charms are almost ex- 
clusively the property of men; general charms are cliiefiy for cliihh-en, but 
rarely for women. Their functions are thus determined by the activities 
of men. While it may be possible to group these according to similarity of 
functions, they all tend toward the same end, to conserve the welfare of the 



92 



AiilhritpiAixiirnl I'liinrs Aimricnit Mit.-ieutn of Xdlanil Hislori/. [\'ol. VII, 



uwiuT, ami ill tlii' main to meet situations on the warpatli. Thus, it seems 
best to review somewhat in tlie order of their coniijhxity what seem to be 
typieal eharms. Further, the following are all rnattd as bumlles since 
when not in aetual use, each is kept in \vrappinj,'s of elotli. 

One of tile simplest is the prepared skin of a small l)inl (.")0-o448), 
formerly use<l by a lilood Indian. In a simple wrai)ping of eloth, this was 
carried on journeys to war or after game; when engaging an enemy it was 
taken out and tied in the hair at the to]) of the head. 

The skin of a gopher, to the neck of which was hound a close cluster of 
twelve small spiierieal brass buttons (50-447.')) was, when in use, worn on a 
braid of the hair. It was accpiired in a dream by a Piegan and afforded 
protection in war. The buttons were said to represent "bunched stars," 
or Pleiades. (The usual .symlxjlism is si.\ stars.) 

Of a somewhat different character, and so far as we know uni(iue, was a 
me<lieine liair dress worn by a Piegan. He tied the hair at the forehead in a 
bunch with a tiiong of buckskin. When a young man, he went to a famous 
warrior, gave him whisky, and made him drunk. Then he asked him for 
I)ower. The man tied up his hair and told him that this gave him power. 
When he went out to get horses in the night and 
the dogs barked, he was to toss a stone to one 
side of them and tiiey would be quiet; but he 
must never kill a dog. A song was given him as 

I >^tyiP'x¥^5v '^ J^'"* *^^ *'^^' formula. 

qtK Wf J -^ more complicated charm is shown in Fig. 2. 

^ < i4 \ The brass button at the top stands for the morn- 

ingstar; the curved crosspiece, the sun woman 
(the moon). Along the edge of the latter were 
twelve brass nails, representing stars. The bunch 
of four small bells is said to stand for star clus- 
ters, though on this point our information is not 
definite. The pendant plumes and a bit of weasel 
fur are added as is usual on objects associated 
with the morningstar and the sun. 

The two ol)jects in Fig. 8 constituted the war 
medicine of a Piegan. They are respectively, a 
necklace, and a hair ornament, and bear as secon- 
\arious syml)ols relating to dream experiences. The neck- 
lace canu- down to its last owner together with a particular song; the whole 
formula is supjjosed to keep off bidlets and blows. The foundation of the 
piece is a string of beads, black in color, to represent the night sky. To it 
are attached seven small buck.skin bags representing the seven stars, or 





Fijf. 2 (.-.()-44:i4). .\ P( 
sonni rhiirm. Pittiiin. 



characti 



1912. 



Wissler, Blackfool Bundles. 



93 




^''[i '\ 





Fig. 3a (50-4539), 
Piegan. 



t (50-4540). War CMiarms. 



f, A Nocklafc. b A Hair Ornanu-iU. 



94 Anthropolnijicdl I'apers Amrrirnn Museum of Xalnnil llislorij. [\n\. VII, 

(Jrcat l)i|)|)t'r. Tlic l);i.t;s coiilaiii I lit- Icaxcs of some uiiidnitiHcd j)laiit. 
A conipound disc of luass is attaclicd, rcpivseiiting tlic sun and hearing the 
usual strips of weasel fur. ( lustering in tliis are four small l)lack buttons, 
suggesting the hells in Fig. 2. l''iiuilly, there are fifteen long pendants each 
hearing a red head and a hrass hutton, representing stars in general. The 
.se\en small hags ha\c tlicir rd'^v^ headed in l)luc. The hair ornament is of 
a well-known Type, Itut this one was dreamed hy its owner. The disc is the 
sun, and the l>un(li of horse hair at the end is the objective symbol of a 
prayer for liorscs. Tlic import of the dream in which this was bestowed 
was tiiat it would hi-iiig prosperity. 

In the Lenders collection recently presented to the Museum by Mr. J. 
Pierpont Morgan is a similar piece, in fact almost a duplicate, said to be 
from the Blackfoot. It is possible that it came from the same individual. 
The curious facings of small blue beads found upon the edges of the seven 
medicine bags is also met with in certain (Jros \'cntre war charms and on a 
fi'w Arapaho medicine bags. 

A hunch of owl feathers (50-5390) was worn hy a Piegan. A brief of 
the fornuda is as follows: The owner was riding rapidly in a strange place. 
His horse stumbled and threw him. lie was stunned b}' the blow and 
remained unconscious for some time. While in this state, two men came to 
him ;in(l mcli took one of his hands. I'hiis, they led him back to familiar 
ground. One of the two men took pity on him and gave him some power. 
This was the right to a song and the feathers of an owl. Some time after 
reaching home he took some owl feathers and made the charm. This, with 
the song, he used for many years. After a time, the same man appeared to 
him in a dream and taught him another song. This Avas incorporated into 
the old formula. 

The head of a small owl (50-5396) was owned by a Blood who claimed 
to have received it from his father many years ago. His father dreamed 
of an owl and recei\ed power from it. When going to war he was to wear 
the charm upon the crown of his head, paint his face and body yellow, mak- 
ing longitudhial marks on the face and limbs with the fingers and in the 
fight sing two songs. The (irst of these songs expressed the theme, "I am 
the sun," while the second contained no words. The power of this formula 
was considered so great that neither the father nor the present owner was 
ever wounded in battle. 

From the Hlood lieserve a raven's head was secured (50-5399). This 
is a charm against the power of tlic tlnindcr hut was also carried to war. 
The object is carefidly wrapped in clotli, p.iiiitcd red, and kept in a cylindri- 
<al case. Around tlic neck is a hanil of red (laiinel. At sunrise it is taken 
"'Ut of the lij)i and hung upon a tripod in the rear; at sunset it is again 



1912.] WiHsler, Bluckfool Bundles. 95 

returned to the tipi. When the object is to be taken from the bundle, a 
smudge is made, the hands held over it, then the hands are held over the 
face and once to the breast. At the approach of a thunderstorm the object 
is imwrapped and the call of the raven imitated; because of the traditional 
power of the raven, over the thunder, he is supposed to prevent harm to the 
tipi and its inmates. 

A more pretentious charm is an eagle's head (50-4549) with accessories. 
Brass buttons ha\e l)eeii sewed into the eye sockets and the feathers are 
coated with the residue of many paintings with yellow earth. In war, 
or on festive occasions, it is tied crosswise on the crown of. the head. A 
whistle of the wing bone of an eagle belongs with the outfit and is to be worn 
suspended from the neck in the usual manner. The ever present braid of 
sweetgrass is found in the bundle and used for the smudge. In addition, 
a peculiar rock formation is pounded fine and burned with the sweetgrass. 
This rock is held to be in rapport with the thunder because of its sulphurous 
odor. In its natural state the rock is striated, and to the Indian seems to 
have been scratched down by the claws of some animal ; hence, the bundle 
contains the claw of a wildcat, which is used in marking the paint on the 
body and face. The painting for this bundle is as follows: the entire body 
is painted yellow, perpendicular scratches are made down the face with the 
claw, a transverse red mark is made b^- drawing the finger tip across the 
eyes, another across the mouth, with the bare fingers marks are made upon 
the arms and legs representing the claws of the eagle. When about to go 
into a fight or expecting danger, the owner takes out some of the sweetgrass 
and the powdered stone and makes a smudge, paints himself, ties on the 
charm, and singing the songs and sounding the whistle dashes into the fight. 
He believes that he cannot be hit. However, if the painted claw symbols 
or the eagle head be struck, he can be killed. 

The eagle's head together with all the accessories when not in use was 
wrapped in several pieces of cloth, constituting a small medicine bundle. 
We secured it from its second owner, the formula having been transferred 
to him by the man who first received it about ninety years ago. The narra- 
tive of its initial origin will be found in our collection of myths and tales. ^ 
The ideas expressed in the songs are: — 

1 "I don't want them [enemy] to kill me. 

These here [the straw, etc.] I shall fight with." 

2 "This here, my head-top, wear. 

It is powerful. 

Guns for me are fun [easj' to overcome]." 



*((■» Aiilfiroiifilfxjiail Papers Amcricdii Museum of Xdlitral Uistonj. [\'ul. \'II, 

:i -'I'liat tluTc I am lookin- for. 
Ciiiius [art'l my inodicine." 

4 ■•('lun I want to eat [capture]." 

") "Now li't iiic cat a KUii." ' 

One of thr mo.st famous war charms known to the Blackfoot people is 
.shown in Fig. 4. This seemed due to the fact that a noted Blood warrior, 
One-spot, carried it for many years; his great deeds being attril)uted not so 
much to any initiative of his own as to the power of the formuhi objectified 
by tliis charm. It was very much desired by others but the owner always 
refused to transfer it. It is in the form of a scarf, a broad strip of yellow- 
dog skin from the nose to the tail tip, mounted on red flannel. To the eye 
holes are attached beaded discs bearing brass buttons; over the ears are 
what may be the symbols of feet on quill-covered strips of buffalo hide. At 
various points are feathers of owls, hawk, eagle, and prairie chicken, to- 
gether with strips of weasel skin. Two Ix'lls adorn the tail piece. This, 
like others of its kind, is based upon a dream experience and bears a formula 
with songs. In singing, the tail piece is held in llic hand and a bell accom- 
paniment gi\en (phonograph record, 43()). 

A cliarm resembling the preceding but concerning wliicli we ]v,\\v more 
information is shown in Fig. o. It is an otterskin. The skin lias been 
removed from the animal in one piece, split down the belly from the nose 
to the tip of the tail. In the holes where the legs were, pieces of leather, 
wrapped with flannel and beads with feathers are inserted, l)ells and weasel 
skins hang from the ends. The tail is tipped in a similar fashion. A slit 
is cut in the top of the head and neck pieces. Across the top is the bill of a 
white swan with the skin of the neck attached. This is to give the owner 
general powers in life and war: the song for this expresses the idea, "Alone 
I [swan] walk [fly]; it is medicine." To the bill of the swan are hung duck 
feathers to gi\-e the power of swiftness: the song, "The lake is my lodge." 
At the end of tlic swan .skin the wing of an owl is hung to gixc i)Ower in the 
night so that the horses of the enemy may be taken: the song, "The night 
is my medicine; I hoot." To the skin of the swan are attached two metal 
discs; the large one represents the morningstar, the small one the "smoking- 
star," or "daystar." The songs are: "I am the morningstar," and "The 
daystar, he hears me; he is my medicine." The l)ells represent the power 
of the sun; the song, "These medicines are powerful." The entire skin of 
a jay l)ir(l, found in the mountains, is tied to the back of the skin and this 
is said to gi\c power to treat disease as well as secure success in war: the 
.sfnig, "The moiiutains are my lodge: the woods are my medicine." A num- 



Ifll2. 



Wissler, Blackfool Bundles. 




•y 



;-^ U 



k 



Fig. 4. 






3i 




n. 



,^ 









\ 



f .1 ^> 'I 



i 




iMg. 



Fig. 4 (50-5418). A Scarf regarded as a War Medicine. Blood. 
Fig. 5 (50-5420). A Scarf of Otterskin, aWar Medicine. Piegan. 



*),S Ai(thn>iii)l(>tiictil I'tijxrs Amvriam Museum of Xdlural History. [Vol. VII, 

biT of ft-atluTs are arraii>,'o<l in jjroups on the specimen and refer to l)irds 
in general as the song is, " All flying beings are sun-powerful; they hear me." 
There is one song for the otter: "I am swinging around in the water." 
The hells are shaken as an accompaniment to this. 

The charm was accunuilatetl l)y transfers and individual experiences. 
When the owl appeared to the owner, it forbade his being struck with a 
moccasin for he would be wounded in that place, all others being invulner- 
able. The owl also gave power over horses as evidenced by a bit of horse 
hair. 

Two face i)aintings are associated with the formula. The jay bird bore 
a fornuda useful in treating disease for which the face was painted yellow 
with blue on the forehead. When on the warpath, the face was painted 
yellow and dotted over with blue to represent the owl; for this there is a 
song, " I [the owl] am looking for something to eat [an enemy or a horse]." 

On the whole, the preceding charms may be considered as personal war 
bundles. We pass now to a class of objects used by medicinemen, though 
the distinctions are by no means absolute. The head and neck of an owl 
(50-4437) was used by a Piegan whose personal narratives are given on p. 
8. There is a beaded band around the neck. It may be noted that in 
such objects the neck of the bird usually bears an ornamental band to which 
a .suspension cord is attached. jVIedicinemen kept mammals, birds, and 
other objects with which special formulae were associated; some of them 
were for success in war and other occupations, and some for the treatment 
of disease. A fairly complete outfit used by a Piegan (Narrator A, p. 72) 
was collected: it consists of a robe (50-4507); headdress (Fig. 6), necklace 
(Fig. 6), wand of feathers (Fig. 7), a whistle (50^561), an albino magpie 
(50-5391), a number of birds (50-5392), and a drum (50^531). This 
man was also noted for his power as a doctor. 

The most striking object is the robe.^ It is of cloth in yellow ground 
with corners of blue. Scattered over the surface are circular patches of 
blue representing stars. Near the center is a large red spot bordered with 
blue and covered by a brass disc, the whole representing the sun. Below, 
is a blue crescent for the moon, and still lower, a red spot bordered by blue 
for the morningstar. To the various blue spots on the robe are fastened 
bells, feathers, and skins of the weasel and gopher. The whole was given 
in a dream to a North Piegan, who transferred it to its late owner. Two 
songs (records 349-50) belong to its fornuda: "Sun, look upon me. You 
see me now. Take pity on me." 

The headdress is a band of running-fisher skin. (Fig. 0.) On the front 



McCliiUock, 31: 





\\ f Fig 6 (50-4532) The Headdress, Neck- 

ij laee and Face Painting of a particular Medi- 
cineman. Piegan 



IINI 



Anlhrojjologicul I'aprrs Aincriain .1///.sr/</// of Xaliirdl Hislory. [\()\. \ll, 




is ;i Itniss disc rcprcsciitiiif;' the sun and al)()\"(' it 
an cajudo ])luni('. At the hack are eagle feathers 
and a disc representing the jnorningstar. At one 
side is a red-winged ))lackhird, so placed that he 
apjx'urs to be looking forward. This l)ird and the 
plume came from the thunder and have to do with 
powers over the weather. At the sides are small 
tults of the ever-present weasel fur, as usual, 
painted pink. The whole headdress had some 
power in war, its late owner having performed 
some deeds with it hut more often loaned it to 
young men to whom he temporarily transferred 
its power and for which he received a share of the 
plunder. There are five songs (records 352-G). 
The one to be used on the warpath runs: "The 
people even my children are; pity them. On a 
high place, I see all around." Similar words are 
used in a song referring to the plume. Referring 
to the feathers: "^ly children, pity them. On a 
high place," etc. The old woman's (moon) song 
refers to the two discs and runs, "Look, see if I 
am not a fine looking woman." Another song 
belongs to the bird. 

The necklace l)ears a large shell disc represent- 
ing the sun for which there is a song, "Sun, look 
upon me. I want to smoke." (Record 351.) 

I For the drum there are two songs: "Sun, 
look at me; I am poor; pity me. Man, say it; 
to be safe; I want it." (Record 357.) 

The wand of raven feathers is interesting in 
that the beaded portion bears the figure of a 
woman, representing the moon, as does also the 
eye of a peacock feather. The origins for some 
of these are given under A (p. 74). 



Fig. 7 (.50-4.5:1:5). Afeath- 
<T Wund. Tho peacock 
feather roijrcsents the moon, 
tlie bcadi'd fl(?iir(<. tho ono- 
IcKKwl woman in tho moon. 
I'.siHl liy a partirular medi- 
<-in«inan. 



Origins of Rituals. 



H.\ this time the reader has become aware that 
nam is the origin of all these medicines and 
t tlic ol)ject is after all but an objective part 
a ritual. Hence, it seems best to di.scuss at 



1912.] Wissler, Blackpool Bundles. 101 

some length certain as])ects of this j)has(> of culture together with certain 
beliefs and conceptions pertaining thereto, because the complex rituals in 
the succeeding sections of this paper will thereby be better understood. 
The great importance still attached to dreams seems to be but a surviving 
remnant of what once absorbed almost the entire attention of the leading 
men, for we read in the journal of Henry that, "If a Piegan dreams some- 
thing particular, on awakening, he instantly rouses his wife, makes a 
speech about his dream, and begins to sing, accompanied by this woman, 
and sometimes all his wives join in chorus. If he dreams of having drunk 
liquor, he gets up, relates the circumstances, sings for a long time with his 
women, and then, if not too far from the fort, comes in to have his dream 
accomplished. During my short stay here I have frequently been awakened 
by such speeches and songs in the dead of the night." ^ 

We have not been able to determine whether these experiences are 
limited to real dreams or include vivid day-dreams and sudden emotional 
bursts of thought and imagination. We are inclined to believe that any- 
thing short of a dream or vision (normal workings of the mind of a person 
awake) would be rejected by a body of intelligent Blackfoot as of no medi- 
cine value. The delirium and hysterical accompaniment of some kinds of 
sickness are generally regarded as supernatural, but more as glimpses into 
the future life than as the occasions in which powers are conferred. We do, 
however, recall a few cases in which sick men claim to have received such 
powers; but none of the more important rituals are assigned to such ori- 
gins. The attitude toward alcoholic intoxication is uncertain because 
there seems to have been a gradual moral awakening to its evil effects, 
which may account for the present tendency to consider experiences so 
induced as of no particular consequence. Thus, while it is not at all clear 
just what psychological phenomena may enter into the origin of a ritual, 
we shall, for convenience, speak of them as dreams. 

A point of special interest in our further discussion of the more complex 
rituals is the manner of interpreting dreams, for it is apparent that among 
a people where there are at least as many rituals of the preceding type as 
there are adult males, the actual dream experiences could scarcely present 
such uniformity as we observed and certainly not contain so many well 
composed songs without a system of some kind. It seems to us obvious that 
in the objective aspects of the preceding examples, at least, there is a con- 
ventional mode of formulating what we choose to call the ritual; this ritual 
consisting of a narrative, one or more songs, an object and accessories, and 
in many cases, certain rec^uirements of the person concerned. Owing to 

1 Henry and Thompson, 732. 



102 Aiithrofuildgical Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. \'1I, 

(liiliciihics alr(';i(l\ stated, we lia\c little more than inferential knowledge 
on this point. We were nsnally told with every mark of sincerity that the 
ritual and narrati\i' were precisely as experienced in the oriuin. On the 
other hand, it was stated that unless the dreamer was a man of medicine 
experience or one pos.sessing great confidence in himself, he would call 
ujjon one possessing these (jualifications for advice. From what we have 
learned, we feel reasonably certain that the advice is in most cases an inter- 
pretation, a deliherate composition of a ritual. I'or illustration, we offer 
an incident in which unfortunately the writer did not take full advantage 
of tiie situation. Once when crossing the reservation a threatened thunder- 
storm caused lis to make camj^ (juickly. While hurriedly pitching our tent, 
a bird Was obser\ed hopping about within a few feet of the writer, following 
his movements. During the constant peels of thunder no more than passing 
attention was gi\en to it, but when the tent was finally pitched, the bird 
had disapp(^are(l and the threatened storm was passing just to our left, 
leaving us unharmed and dry. On mentioning this to a man of reputed 
medicine experience we were informed that this was an incident of unusual 
importance, for the bird had not only protected us from the thunder but 
had sought to convey some kind of power. He asked if singing had not 
been heard and a voice speaking, finally suggesting that an experienced man 
be called upon to "fix it up". All further discussion of the incident he 
declined as unsafe. Doubtless, if the writer had accepted the veiled oft'er, 
a typical ritual would have been produced. Of course, there is no doubt 
on our part but that rituals are deliberately composed from suggestions 
received in dreams; the only information w^e sought was as to the methods 
and conditions under which this was done. There are reasons for believing 
that the fundamental conventionality is the tendency to assign a dream 
origin to everything of importance on the theory that e\erything is to be 
tridy explained by such phenomena. For example, the writer once remarked 
that the inventor of the phonograph was a remarkable man. The immediate 
reply was that he was in no w-ise different from others but that in a dream 
he was told to take certain materials and place them in certain relations, 
with the promise of certain results. The carrying away of the \()ice was 
regarded as a great medicine i)ower and the inventor in (juestion as merely 
a lucky individual, who nuist have experienced great prosperity and happi- 
ness in consequence. \\'hile this statement was unusually abstract, it was 
not otherwise at variance with many others observed in the course of our 
work. To retin-n to the main jjoint, we believe that the evidence at hand 
warrants the a.ssumption that the sincerity of many Blackfoot men in their 
contention that rituals however personal, are literal dream experiences, is 
due to an unwavering faith in the theory of dream origin and, hence, the 



1912.1 Wissirr, Blackfonl Bundles. 103 

feeling that if tlie tiling comes into mind at all, it ninst in consequence be a 
dream. 

Another important Blackfoot idea is the conception of the transfer 
of power that takes place in such a dream experience. Allowing for varia- 
tions, the Blackfoot theory is that there functions in the universe a force 
(natoji = sun power) most manifest in the sun but pervading the entire 
world, a power (natoji) that may communicate with individuals making 
itself manifest in and through any object, usually animate. Such mani- 
festation is by speech rather than deed and in every narrative based upon 
it, it is stated or implied that at the moment of speaking the object becomes 
for the time being "as a person." We found no clear distinction as to 
whether the power masked as the object or whether the object itself masked 
as a person. Such logical analysis seems not to have been necessary- to the 
Blackfoot belief and practice. To them it seems sufficient also that power 
is given, without further speculation as to its ultimate source, simply natoji. 
The being appearing in the dream offers or consents upon request to give 
power for some specific purpose. This is done with more or less ceremony; 
usually the face and hands of the recipient are painted, songs sung, direc- 
tions given for invoking the power and certain obligations, or taboos, laid 
upon the recipient. The being conferring power is not content with saying 
that it shall be, but formally transfers it to the recipient with appropriate 
ceremonies. This is regarded as a compact between the recipient and the 
being then manifest, and each is expected to fulfill faithfully his own obliga- 
tions. The compact is a continuous relation and no matter how complex 
the ritual may be or how important to the tribe, it is in every case still a 
matter solely between one individual and the being who gave it. The ritual, 
to the Blackfoot, is in reality an assumed faithful reproduction of the 
original transfer. x\ll of these points will be given further consideration, 
but at this stage of our discussion it is important to know that the initial 
recipient has the right to transfer the compact to another but in doing so 
relinquishes all right to any benefits to be derived from it. It will then be 
useless for him to appeal to it in the hour of need for it has, in theory, 
completely passed out of his life. When such a transfer takes place, the 
original transfer is reproduced as faithfully as possible. Theoretically, 
the recipient of a ritual is in the precise relation he would be if experiencing 
the dream himself; hence, it is impossible to tell from the form of the narra- 
tive whether the narrator himself had the initial experience or not. He feels 
justified in speaking in the first person. Thus, many of the preceding 
accounts, even some for the seven men of medicine experience, are probably 
many times removed from the initial recipient. 

It will be observed that the song is in most respects the vital part of the 



11)1 AiilliniitottKfirul I'lipcrs Ann ricaii Museum of Xulunil llislonj. \\o\. \'II, 

ritual ami that the initial traiist'cr of the jjowci' usually reaches its climax 
in the ])reseiitati(Hi of the sonj^. Thus, wc found men often willing to sell 
the chjirni or medicine objects hut \(i y reluctant e\ en to sing the songs for 
fear they mi^dit tinis he transferred to the wi-iter. Tlie objects they said 
could l)e reailily replaced without a graxc breach witji the power concerned, 
l)Ut, if the songs went, that was the end of it. We are convinced that the 
deliberate composing of new songs is going on at the present time. One 
individual asked the writer to let iiim hear songs from distant tribes. Hav- 
ing at hand such a phonographic record, his re(iuest was comj)licd with. 
After several repetitions he was able to follow accuratel,\' and went away 
hununing it over and over. Some time afterward he reluctantly admitted 
that he had now arranged words for this song and "expected to dream .some- 
thing." 

There are many reasons why such dream experiences as we have con- 
sidered are desirable to e\ cry Blackfoot man, and for that matter, women 
also, though the women take a far less active part in such activities. Conse- 
quently, such dreams an- sought. Several individuals have told us in 
apparent good faith that the^' never had a dream that could be considered 
as in any way belonging to this class; one or two of them had sought the 
experience without success. The usual procedure where such experiences 
are sought is to go out to some lonely place and fast night and day until 
the dream comes. A youth is likely to be directed by a man of medicine 
experience and to be made the object of preliminary ceremonies to propitiate 
the dream, but lu; makes the journey alone. While at the chosen place 
the seeker of dreams or visions is expected to beseech all the things of the 
sky, earth, and water, to take pity on him. This call is a mournful wail 
almost like a song, the words being composed at will. The only object 
used is a filled pipe offered to all the beings addressed and kept in readiness 
for the manifestation of the dream person previously discussed. It is said 
that the majority of young men fail in this ordeal as an unreasonable 
fear usually comes down upon tlictii the first night, causing them to 
abandon their post. J'^ven old experienced men often find the trial more 
than they can bear. Men of medicine experience seldom resort to these 
tortures, as dreams of a satisfactory character are said to come to them in 
normal sleep. At present, the majority' of men seems content to secure 
their charms and other medicines from those who do have dreams or from 
the large stock of such a\ailable for transfer. On the other hand, every 
man of consequence is supposed to have one experience in which he acquired 
a supernatural helper and received a song. Of this, he never speaks defi- 
nitely, except to an intimate friend to whom he will say, "When I am about 
to die, you are to paint me and sing this song. Then I may recover." 



1912.] Wisder, Blackfool Bundles. 105 

This song is thus secret and never used except in the face of death. We were 
told by one man that in such an experience as gave a man one of these songs 
or rituals, the being manifest in the vision announces that he will give his 
body to the recipient and cause a small object to pass into the Ixxly of the 
recipient, which passes out again at death. 

Many dreams are abortive. It is said a man dreaming at home is likely 
to be awakened before the transfer of power is complete and thus it will be 
lost. Men speak of such experiences as times when they "nearly acquired 
power." Theoretically, the greatest power, however, is that which comes 




Fig. 8. A fasting Slielter upon tiie Summit of a Hill near Two Medicine River. 

in a true vision, but practically, a ritual is always judged by its results. A 
fortunate long-lived man is so because of the strength of his personal and 
other medicines. 

We saw one of the fasting and sleeping places used by a middle-aged man 
several years ago (Fig. 8). It was on the top of a hill somewhat ofY the 
beaten track and near a similar summit upon which were a number of burials. 
As seen in the figure it was of stone. It was built against an inclined slate- 
like strata from slabs of the same material. The entrance faced the east. 
The inside dimensions were about five feet by three and three in height, 
just large enough for a man to lie in with some comfort. The floor had been 
covered with cedar branches, and some of the same material spread over 
the top of the entrance. Near by were what appeared to be the remains 



KM) Anthropoloffical Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. VII, 

of a similar structurf.' For reasons previously stated, though we knew 
who had used this shelter, we faih-d to get any information eoneerning what 
actually took place there. 



J On a rock near this shelter was an offering to the sun consisting of an old coat, a shirt 
tied to a stick, and a peculiar fan-shaped oliject of twigs distended by being bound to a 
hoop of the same material. On the projecting ends of the twigs were eagle feathers. This 
object was weighted down with a stone and joined to the other offerings by a cord. We 
were told that such fan like objects were often used when making sun offerings. A some- 
what similar offering is shown on plate XIV, Maximilian's atlas. 

Another view of thi-* shelter was published in the .American Museum Journal, Oct. 1906, 
Vol. VI, 208. 



1912.] Wisshr, Blackfoot Bundles. \{)', 



III. MEDICTXE BUXDLKS. 

Having now given some general aspects of the beliefs associated with 
rituals and their accessories we may take up the discussion of more elaborate 
rituals with their bundles. These it will be seen differ from the preceding 
only in their extent. While each is the exclusive property of its owner 
until transferred to another, there are what may be considered duplicates 
in the hands of other individuals; hence, we have given a definite section 
to each of the known types of bundles. We sought detailed information 
concerning at least one definite bundle of each type, but owing to the great 
difficulty in securing the songs and the great amount of time required for 
the satisfactory mastery of even one ritual, our data are far from complete. 
We believe, however, that it is sufficient to give a fair idea of the nature of 
each type. 

By medicine bundle we mean any object or objects, kept in wrappings 
when not in use, guarded by the owner according to definite rules and 
associated with a ritual containing one or more songs. To the Blackfoot 
this is a definite term denoting an array of such associations, ranging from 
the simplest war charm to the huge complex beaver bundle. Single or 
individual ownership is the rule and though the tribe may in a sense have 
an interest in any large bundle, and relatives may have a property, or 
investment, relation to it, the fact remains that all the associations treated 
in this paper are considered by the Blackfoot as examples of rituals of 
individual ownership. 

War Bridles. 

The ol)ject shown in Fig. 9 is literally known as "a thing to tie on the 
halter ". It was obtained among the Blood, but many bundles of this type 
were known to the other divisions. In use, it hangs under the bit of the 
horse and its formula gives protection and power against the enemy or 
buffalo in that it increases the sure-footedness and speed of the horse. A 
special form of quirt went with the bundle, but no specimens were seen. 
The feathers are the secondary part of the bundle, the vital element being 
found in seven small bags tied at intervals in the fringe. (This specimen 
now bears but three, the owner retaining the others.) These bags contain 
earth from where horses had pawed at the margin of a certain lake, taken as 
directed in the initial dream conferring the formula. There are many songs, 



Kis 



Aiithro/joloijiatl /*«;>(Ts American Museum of A'atural Ili-ilorij. [\u\. \'II, 



:i iiimilxT (if which will Ix'touiid on phonograph rccortls 4o7-41 . In rcnder- 
inj; thr sonj^s, a bundk- owner announced: "Give heed, give heed! This is 
holy, that I shall sing now. Holy and very good is this here I shall sing this 
day. I have been through it all. Now, these are all holy things. This 
horse medicine that I have here is very powerful. This is why I shall Jsing 
tJieni, the war bridle." Some of the ideas expressed in the songs are, "My 
horse is powerful. My horse, he hears (understanding) me; good running, 
my horse. This lu-re ground is powerrul; he hears me; my horse; good 






mw^ mm 



% 



Fig. 9 (.50-5412). A War Bridle, or Charm. Blood. 



running; powerful. The Hying ones (feathered creatures) are my medicine; 
I take them; this here (the bridle) my medicine is powerful." There are 
also .several dance songs in the ritual. 

The important characteristics of this type of bundle are brought out in 
the following narrative of Red-j)luiiic. recorded by ]Mr. Duvall: — 

Horse medicine is considered \ery powerful. Should one who has not 
the right, sing the horse songs, his horse will fall with him and he will be 
injured. The owner of the horse medicine must never have a shin bone 
broken in his tipi, for if he does, his horse will break its leg. Those who have 
the power of the horse medicine can use it in many ways. It gives them 
luck in obtaining horses. If a horse should become exhausted while on the 
road, the owner of the medicine would give the horse some of it, put some 
into his nostrils, and rub it on his nose, his mane, and down his back to his 
tail. He then grasps tiie end of the tail and shakes it four times. The 
horse is then allowed to eat a little and is as strong as ever and will not again 
Itecome exhausted. 

\\ hen a horse has the colie the owner of the horse medicine brews some of 



1912.] 



Wissln; Blarkfool Ihunlln 



109 



it and gives it to the liorsc. With it he then wets the hreast and a spot 
near the kidneys. Finally, he rnbs it on the nose, the mane, and the back 
to the tip of the tail wliich he shakes four times. After this he dips a 
willow switch into the medicine and makes three passes with it as if to whip 
the horse and with the fourth, whips him, the horse getting well at once. 

Before a horse is I'un tlu> rider sings a song to pre^•ent it from falling. 
Sometimes, while on the warpath, if he is uneasy about getting horses, he 
will make a vow that he give the horse medicine owners a feast. When 
such a vow is made a horse is sure to be obtained. W'hen inviting the horse 
medicine owners to the feast, the first one invited gives the host a few tail 
feathers and tells him to give one to each of the horse medicine owners 
invited. As soon as a horse medicineman receives a feather he knows at 
once that he is to attend a feast since this is the custom when the horse 
medicine ceremony is to be held. In most ceremonies in\-itations are 
shouted out by a herald, but 
in the horse medicine they 
must not even be spoken. 
In the dance the pledger car- 
ries a rope and whip making 
pawing motions with the 
hands. 

At the beginning of the 
ceremony a smudge of sweet- 
grass is made (Fig. 10). The 
horse medicinemen with their 
wives are seated at the left of 
the tipi, leaving the right or 
guest side vacant. The only 
outsider allowed to partake 
in the ceremony is the man 

who made the vow to give the feast. About the close of the ceremony he 
dances and then serves the horse medicinemen with a berry soup. He is 
the onlj^ one who dances during this ceremony. All theu* medicine bundles, 
consisting of powders tied up in small buckskin bags are placed in a row in 
the rear of the tipi. Two red plumes are stuck in the corners of the smudge 
place while two black plumes stuck in opposite corners are their medicines. 
All those taking part in the ceremony have their own drums, some have 
horses painted on them, and some have horses' hoofs. ^ After the smudge 




Fig. 10. The Incense Altar for tlie Horse Medicine. 
The altar is about one foot square, the horse track 
being at the northwest corner The north half of the 
square is painted red, the south half black The in- 
cense is burned on the image of a horse track. A 
plume is stuck in each corner of the square, black ones 
on the south and red ones on the north. 



1 We collected a fine example (50-4467) made of horse hide. Oii tlio inside is painted 
horse's hoof. The outer edge of the head is painted black to represent ilic base of a tipi, 
was said. 



110 Anihropoloiiical Papers Aniericnn Mitaeum of Xalural History. [Vol. VII, 

is iiiadf. the man sittin<; ncaivst tlic ri^lit of the tipi sings four of his songs, 
the otht-rs join him and lie is followed by the man next to him. AH present 
join in tlie singing. Each one sings fonr songs, thns ending the ceremony. 
The face of the man who made the \o\v is painted red. Before singing, each 
man prays tliat the one making the vow have luck in procuring horses 
during his Hfetime, etc. After this, berry soup is served and tlie ceremony 
ends. 

When a horse medicine owner wishes to cause a horse to lose a race it 
must be done without the knowledge of the owner. The horse is stolen the 
night before the race is to be run and the horse medicine owner sings, and 
rubs his powder on the hoofs and nose of the horse and turns it loose. Should 
he wish to win the race in another way he tells the rider on which side to 
run. If he wishes the doctored horse to fall he rubs some of the medicine 
on a switch wliich the rider uses. As the race starts, the rider lets the 
doctored horse lead for a while. He then crosses back and forth before the 
leading horse and throws the switch in front of it, causing it to fall. Thus, 
the other rider will pass him in tlie race. On the other hand, the horse may 
not be made to fall at all but make him unable to run past so his horse will 
win the race. The songs are: "My hor.se is going to run. ]\Iay my horse 
run all right." 

During the horse medicine ceremony no outsiders may be present. 
There are less than twenty horse medicinemen. Another way in which 
the horse medicinemen may exert their power is when running buflfalo 
in the winter when the ground is icy and they use their power to prevent 
their horses from slipping on the ice. There is still another way to show 
tlu'ir power. When a man wishes to go to war to steal horses he goes to 
one of the horse medicinemen with a pipe filled with tobacco and asks for 
help, llie horse medicineman paints him and gives him a small buckskin 
bag containing powdered medicine, tells him how it is to be used, and what 
songs to sing. The man desiring the power does not paint until the war 
party is within sight of the enemy's camp. Then he paints his face as he 
was told, rubs liis whole body and his rope with the medicine and ties it to 
his necklace. lie then sings the songs of the horse medicine and tells what 
kind of horses he wishes. After one has been rubbed with the medicine 
any horse can be taken. If the rope is rubbed witii the medicine he can 
never miss when throwing it. After a man is painted he nuist keep to one 
side of the warriors as they go towards the camp. He must not let anyone 
cross his tracks. If this does happen, the person doing it would at once 
become crippled in some manner. The one using the medicine usually 
drags his rope and never fails to procure a horse. During the trip a marrow 
bone must not be broken in the war lodge nor be heated by the fire while 



1912.] Wissler, Blackfnnt Binullcs. HI 

he is in it. For catching a wild horse the fornuiia is to carry some of the 
medicine and ride about the animal in a circle. As soon as the horse 
scents the medicine he will stand and permit himself to be taken. 

One time two men who were known for their great horse medicine power 
decided to see which had the greater power. They, on their horses, ran a 
race over a frozen pond. Going at full speed, the two riders went along side 
by side, neither of the horses showing any signs of slipping. As they came 
to the edge of the ice, one man whipped the other horse causing him to slip 
a little, proving that he had a trifle more power than the other. 

An Indian named White-man, who still lives, once crippled a buffalo 
through his horse medicine power. White-man and another man were 
nmning buffalo and as their horses were too slow^ to overtake the buffalo 
they were unable to get within shooting range of them. White-man thought 
of the horse medicine which he had the power to use. He told the man with 
him to ride off to one side of him as he was going to use the medicine. First 
he sang the horse song; then he put some prairie turnip in his mouth and 
spat on his whip. Following the tracks of the buffalo he crossed them three 
or four times and whipped them. As the herd of buffalo went out of sight 
into a coulee they followed them. AMien they came in sight of them at 
the foot of the coulee they saw a buffalo cow with a broken back trying to 
move away while dragging her hind part. They killed the cow and had 
some meat to take home. This was the result of the use of the horse medi- 
cine. 

Since the horse medicine songs are among those for the medicine-pipe 
bundles, the medicine-pipe owner can use the horse medicine in the same 
way as White-man used it w ith the buffalo. As everyone knows the great 
power of the horse medicine songs, they are not sung for pastime. This is 
dangerous to the one singing them, for when he is riding, his horse will fall 
and he will be injured. Even the medicine-pipe ow^ners often leave out 
these songs when they are singing of the pipe for pastime. Finally, the 
introduction of this formula into the medicine-pipe ritual is an important 
point. 

Weasel-tail Suit.s. 

A special decoration of weasel tails for men's shirts and leggings is 
regarded as a medicine bundle, those suits being transferred and cared for 
according to a definite ritual. The entire body of the purchaser is painted 
yellow and a red band marked across the eyes and mouth. A smudge of 
sweetgrass is made and the suit passed through the smoke. The purchaser 
puts it on. Then he dances with the seller on three bunches of sage grass, 
to the northeast, the southeast and the southwest of the fire, moving around 



112 Aiitltrnixilofficdl Faptrs Ameriant Mu!<cuin of Xahirdl Hislori). |\'()1. \II, 



lis 



to tilt-' suiitli and (laiiciiiji- tlic I'oiirtli tiiiu" at tlic starting point. Th 
practically vm\s the ceremony. From four to seven son^s may l)e sunj? at 
this time. Formerly, these suits were worn to war and the sonjjs belong 
to th<- war ^ronp. Drums are used in the ceremony. 

According' to one informant these suits were primarily for war and though 
formerly always transfcn-rd in accDrdancc with the ritual arc now given and 
sold (juite freely. Yet, occasionally, the ceremony is carried out even at 
the present day. 

.\ dcscrijition of one of these shirts, with an illustration may he found 
in\ol.\'. IL'O. 

IIaih-i.ock Suits. 

The shirt and leggings with hair-locks, or the scalp shirt of the Dakota 
and other tribes, seem to have been an important bundle among the Black- 
foot. Its origin often forms a part of the Scar-face myth from one version 
of which we take the following: — 

"The sun gave him a buckskin suit decorated with (luills of i)orcu])ine. 
On tlic breast was a large disc and on the back another, representing the 
>nn. There were l)ands of cjuills down the seams of the leggings and on the 
sleeves. These were fringed with hair-locks, representing the scalps of 
the cranes." 

It is generally agreed that this suit was given as a reward for unusual 
bra\(ry. It was presented by the sun and, hence, his .songs enter into 
its ritual. The suit is precisely like the preceding (weasel-tail) except the 
addition of the hair-lock fringes. Their rituals are, however, not the same. 
Rattles and not drums are used. Before the transfer, a sweat house is 
made and the bundle containing the suit placed on the top. In the tipi 
a s(|uare is cleared for the smudge place and sprinkled with light colored 
earth. \\\ eagle feather for the hair also accompanies the suit and this 
is iixd iiere to mark out figures of the sun, moon and morningstar in this 
eartii. (See account of the sun dance bundle, 219). After the seventh 
song of the ritual a smudge of swe.etgra.ss is made. With the next songs, the 
rattles are brought into play. The purchaser's face and body are painted 
with red j)aint and the eagle feather stuck up in his hair behind. The 
seller takes up the shirt, and making dancing motions wliile still on his 
knees, executes four passes at the smudge, then holds it to the purchaser's 
right shoulder, then to his back, the left shoulder, and the breast. The 
purchaser then takes the shirt in his hands. Presently, he hands it back 
to the seller, who makes passes at the smudge, then back to the purchaser's 
hea<l and at the fourth, slips it on. As tliis is done, a great shout is raised 



1912.] WU.lrr, Hlackfoot Bundles. 113 

while the women cheer. Then .some of hi.s rehitives bring up a ]ior.se and 
other property to pay tlie seHer; as they do so, tliey sing and cheer the pur- 
chaser. 

On the north side of the fire are four bunches of sage grass about one 
foot apart. The seller and the purchaser stand up. The former lifts the 
right foot of the latter towards the smudge, then toward the first bunch of 
sage grass and at the fourth movement the latter steps on the sage. All 
shout and cheer for him as he goes out, stepping from one bunch of sage to 
the other. This ends the transfer. It should be noted that there is no 
dancing. 

The songs are numerous and are those known as the offering, or tail- 
feather songs. They are not peculiar to this ceremony but occur in sweat 
house proceedings, beaver rituals, natoas rituals, sun dance observances, 
all smoking ceremonies, black and yellow buffalo painted-tipis and perhaps 
some others. Some of these songs run, "Elk I want, feathers I want, black 
wolf I want, white wolf I want, beaver-colored buffalo robe I want." If 
the name is significant, the original use of these songs was in ceremonies 
where cloth and other objects are offered to the sun (p. 262). 

While in recent years a type of decorated shirt familiar in the so-called 
scalp shu't of the Teton-Dakota has found its way over the Plains, we believe 
this distribution to be recent.^ The Teton claim that among them, formerly 
there were but four decorated shu-ts of the hair-fringe type to be worn by 
the four head men of the tribe, but that in recent years it has become cus- 
tomary for anyone to wear them. However, they are still regarded as 
ceremonial in character, because even to-day when most of these shirts are 
made for sale to white collectors, a man will not undertake the construction 
of one without burning incense and complying with the old ritualistic obli- 
gations. So far, our only positive knowledge of the ceremonial, or medicine 
character of such shirts, comes from the Blackfoot and the Teton-Dakota. 
Among the former the weasel-tail shirt seems to predominate and to have 
been the first in origin. Since the ritualistic conception for the Blackfoot 
hair-fringe type is quite different from that of the weasel-tail type, it is 
reasonable to suppose that the two had distinct origins. The prominence 
of the hair-fringe shirt among the Dakota, on the other hand, suggests this 
type having passed indirectly from them to the Blackfoot who fitted it into 
their ritualistic scheme, thus making it a transferable medicine. These 
comments should not be construed as applying to shirts in general but only 
to this one type, bearing hair or weasel fringes. 



114 



Anthropological Fapira Ameriain Mii-'icum of .\<ilund Uixtunj. [\ul. \'II, 



IIkaddhksses. 

War-bonnets are spoken of as saam, medicine in the Indian sense. Of 
these, there were two general types, those with horns and those with feathers. 
The hitter are of the familiar Plains type, a row of erect tail feathers around 
the head with strips of weasel fur hanging down. Those without tails are 
ealh-d " straiglit-up l)()iinets" and those with tails " straiglit-uj) bonnets with 




Fif,'. 11. A lldiii Hi.iiiici IVoni a Piiv'iin Dnnvinf; 

boss ribs." The feathers are tipped and the 
construction otherwise like that emj)l()yed 
among the Dakota and elsewhere. The 
"horn bonnets" have no tail feathers, but 
bear a pair of horns and weasel fur fringes. 
Some of the horns are shaved thin and a 
specimen in the collection has horns cut 
from rawhide. One peculiar type has a 
single horn projecting from the front. The 
two distinct general types are shown in 
Piegan drawings, Figs. 11 and 12. 

\N"heii a war-bonnet is to be transferred 
a >weat iioiise is made and the bonnet in 
its rawhide bag placed on top of it. The 

hole in this .sweat hou.se is round and the dirt taken out of it is placed out- 
side of the hou.se on the west side. Lighter colored dirt is spread around 
the hole and towards the door. .Ml th(> songs sung in this sweat house 
are bull soriety songs. The ashes iroiii the pipe which is smoked are 
emptied on the sonth<'ast. southwest, northwest, and northeast sifle of the 
sweat hous«- and the rriiiaiiid.T are put in the bottoni of the hole. 




. IL'. A "straifiht-up" Ileiul- 
IVoni a Piogan Drawing. 



1912.] Wi^slcr, Blnckfnot Bundles. 115 

Four groups of four songs {>ac'li are sung, between each of which tlie door 
is opened. At the fourth opening of the door curtain, the sweat house 
ceremony ends. Sweetgrass is used for the smudge in the sweat house. 

When the men enter the tipi of the owner of the war-bonnet, he sits down 
on the right side near the rear, while the purchaser sits on the left side oppo- 
site him. The bonnet, still in its leather case, is tied to one of the lodge 
poles at the rear, over head. The smudge place is circular, about a foot 
and a half across ; the grass is cleared away and lighter dirt spread over the 
smudge place and a row of buffalo dungs and sage placed on the west side. 

While the bonnet owner holds up some sweetgrass to make the smudge, 
he sings: "Above is powerful. The ground is powerful." Then he places 
the grass on the live coal and the bonnet, in its leather case, is taken down 
and placed on a blanket near the smudge place. Then as they sing another 
song the oAvner holds the purchaser's hand, and placing it on the bonnet, 
unties the cords and slowly pulls out the bonnet, stopping four times, while 
doing so. He sings, " Buffalo I take," and takes the bonnet out of its case. 
As the bonnet is still in its calico wrappings, another song is sung as follows: 
"Buffalo I have taken." As he removes the cloth from it, he shakes the 
bonnet, and the men all cheer the purchaser. In this ceremony four drums 
are used. Taking a cup of water and some white dirt, he sings the painting 
song: "The ground is our medicine." He takes some of the white dirt, 
dips his fingers into the cup of water, sings, "The water is my medicine," 
and then rubs the paint in his hands, scratches a cross on his painted hand 
and stamps this three times across his forehead. During the next song 
he paints the purchaser's face 3'ellow with a red streak across the eyes and 
then the white cross spots across his forehead which are to represent the 
dirt on buffalo w^hen they have been rolling in the mud. The wife of the 
purchaser is painted in the same way as her husband. 

The two men and their wives wear buffalo robes with the hair side out, 
and white cross spots of paint stamped here and there on the robes. In the 
next song the owner goes through the motions of dancing, holding the l)onnet 
in his hand. He bellows in imitation of a buffalo bull. He holds the l>onnet 
in front of him, to his forehead, each side of his head, at the back of his 
head, puts it on and bellows, going through motions of hooking. He sings: 
"Man, I want to hook," and takes off the bonnet. As he goes through 
running motions with his hands, he sings: "The ground is our medicine." 
This refers to the buffalo running on the earth. Another song, and he 
passes the bonnet four times to the smudge place, holds it against the pur- 
chaser's left shoulder, his right shoulder, his back, his breast, and then 
places it on his head. All those in the tipi shout and cheer the purchaser. 
The two men then make movements as if hooking at each other. 



1 1(1 Aiilhn>i)ologiv(il Pniurs American Museum of Xalnrdl History. [Vol. \II, 

Now tlic honiU't is givrn to the \vi\cs of tlir two nieu who go through 
the same porfonnances with it as the men. \\'hen the women have com- 
pleted their part in the ceremony, the purehas{>r puts on the bonnet, and he 
and the owner rise. Four hunches of sage grass are phiced about a foot 
apart on the north of tlie firephice. The purchaser's right foot is passed 
toward the smudge four times and then phiced on the first Inmch of sage 
grass. Then he walks on all four bunches of sage grass. The two men 
dance in place on the north of the fireplace, all the spectators shouting and 
cheering them. They then dance successi\ely in the same manner at the 
east, south, and west of the fireplace and take tlu'ir places, thus ending the 
transfer of the war-bonnet. 

When the bonnet is not in use it is kept in a cylindrical leatlicr case and 
hung on a tripod and kept out on the west side of the tipi. A smudge is 
made for it three times every day. There are many songs for the war- 
bonnet, mostly war songs. 

Some of the taboos connected with the war-bonnet are as follows: 
A bufialo head must never be broken in the tipi, nor may any part of the 
heatl Ije thrown into the fire. The owner of the bonnet must not allow any- 
one to pass in front of him while in the tipi. Should anyone do so he would 
become blind. 

It is said that a bonnet was transferred to Big-brave, an informant, who 
paid a horse for it. Not long after he received it, he wore the bonnet in a 
battle and tlirough its power esca])ed many bullets and arrows and was 
unharmed. 

An important point is the general belief that all these types of head- 
dresses were once exclusively the regalia of members of the bull society. 
The songs used are said to be from the ritual of that organization. It is 
said that when the society ceased to exist the regalia was still transferred 
froDi j)erson to person, the ritual and songs of the society being used. Thus, 
in a way, the ritual of the order is still in existence. We collected some 
phonographic records (nos. 414, 431-2) of the songs: — 

That above, Man, ho hears mc. 

It is sun. 

That below, he hears me. 

I want to sit there. 

My medicine (bonnet), it is powerful. 

BufTalo, he says, on the ground I am looking around for a place to sit. 

It is powerful. 

It is powerful, where lie sits. 

The first is the smudge song and a buffalo is supposed to be singing. Tn 
the second, the heachlre.ss is held uj) as if it were a buffalo's head, moved 
about in keeping with the song and tlien j)nt down. 



1912.] Wissler, Blackfoot Bundles. 117 



Shields. 

While shields had some practical \alue, no doubt, they were neverthe- 
less medicine objects and treated as bundles. Their rituals were composed 
of songs and certain definite manipulations. The decorations were symbolic 
and offered a means of classification, first, in that one type had such designs 
upon the shield itself while others bore them upon a buckskin cover. The 
belief seems to be that those with a design cover were acquired from other 
tribes, chiefly the Crow, while those painted directly upon the rawhide were 
the older and original t\'pe acquired before the introduction of horses. 
Naturallj', there is no direct evidence on these points. Of those regarded 
as Blackfoot in origin the designs represent either the buffalo, the sun, the 
moon, or stars. There were, perhaps, exceptions to this, but they have not 
so far come to notice. Feathers and parts of animals were sometimes 
fastened to appropriate parts of the design.^ 

As with all medicines, shield rituals must be formally transferred. In 
general, a smudge is made with sweetgrass, the shield passed through the 
smoke four times, and placed upon a blanket at the rear of the tipi. There 
the purchaser is painted; usually a yellow ground over the face and hands, 
wdiich is streaked by drawing the finger tips downward, and a red transverse 
band across the mouth and the eyes. Special songs are sung at this time 
and four drums used. The seller then takes up the shield and pretends to 
be dodging about to avoid blows, as in a fight. The purchaser then steps 
into the looped carrying strap and draws it up to his neck, the shield hang- 
ing on his back, the conventional way of carrying it. The purchaser and 
seller then dance while the others sing, shout and make all the noise they can. 
In the dance, they proceed around in the tipi to the right, pausing and danc- 
ing at four points: on the south, on each side of the door, and on the north. 
As a rule, sweat houses are not used. The purchase price is a horse, with 
blankets, etc. 

A shield secured from the ("row is represented in a nati\e drawing (Fig. 
13d). The design is upon a buckskin co^•ering. The ritual was conferred 
in a dream by a hawk whose likeness appears in the drawing. The marks 
above probably represent clouds and the waved lines, lightning, strongly 
suggesting motives seen on some Dakota shields. The outer cover is un- 
decorated. A lance goes with the shield and is placed as shown in the 



' For notes on the structure, size, etc. see Vol. 5, 162 That tliere is some historical 
basis to the belief that many shielris came from the Crow is suggested by the following: 
" We saw the Blackfeet ride to battle half naked, but some, too, in their finest dresses, with 
the beautifully ornamented shield obtained from the Crows, and their splendid crowns of 
feathers, and, on these occasions, they all have their medicines, or amulets, open and himg 
about them." — Maximilian, 117. 




Fig. 1:5. Drawings of Sliiilds by Vwtinn Indians: a A red ground with a lihu' vnMvr 
tho sun: 6 a rod ground witli a crcsc-enl moon in blue; c the cover of the Never-sits-down- 
shicld. red dots for stars and a transverse fringe of Ijuckskin; d tlie cover of a Crow sliield. a 
hawk, clouds, and thunder with a lance and buffalo tail at the bottom; e the shield used with 
the cover r. unpainted, a bunch of feathers at the center and a bullet hole above / a red 
groumi with figure of a buiralo. All the shields arc bordered with feathers whether shown in 
the sketches or not. 



1912.] 



Wisslcr, Blackfnot BiimUes. 



119 



sketch. A buffalo tail is tied on at the bottom. When suspended, the rela- 
tive positions are as drawn. In addition, the bundle contains a small head- 
dress of feathers and sweetgrass for the smudge. During the day, the shield 
bundle is tied to the end of a tipi pole which is leaned against the rear of 
the tipi bringing the bundle above the crossing of the regular poles. The 
ritual contains seven songs. In the transfer, a smudge is made with sweet- 
grass and the purchaser painted over body and face with white paint. His 
hair is brushed to the left side of his head and the headdress is tied on 
(Fig. 14). This is suggestive of a Crow style and is consistent with the 
asserted origin of the shield. The face is then marked with black as shown 
in the drawing. The shield hangs from the lance, thrust into the earth at 
the rear of the tipi. The purchaser and the seller dance while others drum 
and sing the songs. The latter dances with the 
shield and pretends to be dodging arrows. Two 
horses are brought up and the two men ride 
around the camps together. The front and hind 
quarters of the purchaser's horse are painted with 
white earth. This ends the transfer. The fees 
are a horse, blankets, and clothing. 

The oldest and most renowned shield bundle 
is the Ne^•er-sits-down shield. The traditions are 
that it was given long before horses were knowii. 
A Piegan, named Curly-bear, owned the shield 
and out of great personal regard gave it to a 
wealthy white man named Charles Conrad. At 
the latter 's death, the shield was returned to 
Curly-bear who later transferred it to a Blood Indian named Many-mules. 

The shield is of two buffalo rawhides, firmly glued together. It is 
<lecorated with feathers as in Fig. 13e. The face is not painted but entirely 
plain. At the center is tied a bunch of many different kinds of feathers; 
this is to be used in war as a headdress and considered a very powerful medi- 
cine. The dot in the drawing represents the hole made by a ball that passed 
through the first layer but not the second and is still in the shield. No one 
seems to know how or when this was done.^ There is a single cover but 
curiously it bears symbolic decorations on the outside. Fig. 13c represents 
the shield as it hangs on its tripod. The cover is of black-tailed deer and 
across its middle a narrow fringed band of the same. When a cover wears 
out a new one is made and the old one hung in a tree as an offering to the 
sun. Over all are dots of red representing stars. The tripod and the 




Fig. 14 An Indian Draw- 
ing, showing Face Painting 
and Hair Dress for Shield, 
Fig. 13d. 



1 Fig. 13e (shield) was drawn by Heavy-runner son of its former owner. Fig. 13c was 
drawn by Mrs. Heavy-runner. 



1211 Anlhroioloffical Pdi.ers Amiriccn Museum of Xalnrid Hislvrij. [Vol. MI, 

strap arc painted red. Jt is kept in llic tipi al ni.ulit Imt taken out each 
inorninj,^ ki'l'ore sunrise and set up with its tripod on tlie west of the tipi, 
so hung tliat the first rays of the sun will fall upon the painted cover. At 
noon, again, it is turned more towards the sun and later to face the west. 
After sunset, it is icturntd to the tii)i hy the north side, thus having made 
a sunwise circuit, and fastened to a tij)! jH)le at the rear. 

No dogs must enter the owner's ti})i. Should the shield fall down the 
owner must make a sweat house at once. To this ceremony some old men 
are in\itcd. The hole in the sweat house is circular. The men enter, 
but the shield is placed on top. On returning to the tipi these men sing 
the fi\e songs in the ritual and ofl^'er prayers to prevent the ills believed to 
follow such an event. Should the owner kill a spider, his entire body will 
be covered with spiders and he l)e stung to death. He must not put the 
loop over the head but always draw it up over the feet. 

The snuidge place is rectangular, about one foot by two. The grass is 
cleared off at the natural earth surface and light colored earth spread over 
all. On the western, or rear, edge of this altar is a row of four buffalo chips 
and on these some sage grass. The smudge is made w^ith parsnip root at 
aljout the center of the altar. The soft earth is kept smooth, but at any time 
should there appear small horse tracks the owner will soon acquire horses; 
small human footprints, enemies will be killed. 

We published a version of the origin myth for this shield.^ To this 
may be added the following narrative b}' Heavy-runner: — 

Once a Northern ]51ackfoot was sleeping by the watering place of buffalo. 
In a dream, a young man appeared Avearing a buffalo robe, hair side out, 
with head and horns still attached. He said, "My son, I give you my 
shield. You nnist never run from enemies nor dodge with it. It will be of 
great use to you. The name of it is ' Never-sits-down shield.'" Then he 
explained the whole ritual. Now, this young man was a buffalo bull. The 
man having the dream was the oldest of seven brothers. When he returned, 
he offered to make up the shield for any of them, but all r(>fused save the 
yoimgest. 

When the first owner of the shield was transferring it to his brother he 
first tested its power. He placed the shield on the ground covering it with 
a robe. \\ Ik ti he took the robe off, spiders and worms were crawling all 
over the sliield. Then he said to his brother, "Do you see all the spiders 
on tlie shield"/ "^'ou nuist never kill spiders, if you do, they will come out 
all o\(T your hody just as you see them thcTe, and will kill you." Then 
the shield was fastened to the rear Iodide pole inside of the tipi. The owner 

' Vol. 2. 102. 



1912.1 Wissler, Blackfoot Bundles. 121 

of the sliield and Iiis witV sat on the left side of it, near the rear of the tipi, 
while his brother and his wife sat on the right side opposite them. After 
the smudge phice had been made and the two men been to the sweat house, 
the seller painted his brother's body and face with red paint which was 
streaked with the fingers. Four men with drums were present. A large 
wooden bowl filled with water mixed with paint was placed between the 
smudge place and the fire. The two men and the two women wore buffalo 
robes with the hair side out. A bunch of feathers was then fastened to 
the purchaser's hair. The purchaser and his wife and the seller and his 
wife were seated on opposite sides with the wooden bowl between them. 
As the four drummers commenced to sing the four faced each other and went 
through motions as if to butt each other away from the bowl of water. 
Each of the four drank of the water until none was left. A smudge of large 
turnip was made and the shield taken down. Making four passes over the 
smudge with the shield the seller threw it down. The purchaser then made 
four passes at the loop of the shield, the seller meanwhile holding one of 
his legs. The former then stepped into the loop and slipped the shield up 
over his shoulders until it rested on his back. The two then danced, first 
about the rear of the tipi, and then successively to the north, east, and south 
of the fire. This ended the transferring of the shield. There are five or 
more songs for this shield. 

He then told his brother about the shield, telling him that it should be 
taken out of the tipi every day before sunrise. This man had the shield 
during many battles which he usually won, and killed many enemies, and 
captured many weapons and soon became chief of his people. The owner 
of the shield always left word that it could be used in case they were attacked 
by the enemy. One time a great number of Assiniboine attacked the 
Blackfoot. The man's chum painted himself, took the shield and fought 
bravely, killing a great number of the Assiniboine, and finally driving them 
away. It was the great power of the shield which made it possible for the 
Blackfoot to overcome their enemies. This shield has proven itself ^•cry 
powerful to those who have owned it, many having become chiefs through 
it. The fees for this used to be one or two horses, and a few valuable robes 
or blankets. Nowadays, more is paid for it. The shield came from the 
Northern Blackfoot in the first place, was some time among the Piegan, and 
is now owned by a Blood Indian. 

As the foregoing suggests, all shields are considered medicine I)undles 
and have many ritualistic features in common. An informant states that 
all shield songs are buffalo bull songs, but not in any way connected with 
the bull society. 

So far, we have been able to collect but one buffalo hide shield among 



.{rtlliropnloyical Papers Aincriciin }fusciint of Xdlural History. [\'ol. \'II, 



tlif Hlac-kt'oot and there is another in the Museum colleeted l)y George Bird 
Griiinell. The hitter is shown in h'ig. J5. We have no information with 
tin's specimen but note on one side what seem to be the seven stars or the 
great dipper antl on the other tlie s\inbol of the Pleiades or bunched stars. 
The shield in Fig. lO was obtained from a North Blackfoot who had 
failed to learn the ritual after its transfer to him. It was recognized as 




being on<" of the three medicine shields referred to in the myth.^ So far, 
we have not been able to get the details of its ritual. 

For further comparison we collected a number of drawings made by men 
formerly owning shields. Fig. 17 represents one formerly owned by Big- 
brave bearing representations of a buffalo bidl and a cow. In a line above 



1912. 



Wisdcr, Black fool Bundles. 



123 



the two buflFalo is a series of hutt'alo hoofs, while below are seven lines of 
buffalo track symbols. The rectangular figures al)()ve and below the 
buffalo skull are intended to represent ornaments of variously colored cloth. 
Seven songs belong to the ritual of this shield. The original is in colors. 

Another shield by the same individual is represented in Fig. 18, a large 
central area is in red representing the sun, while the crescent above repre- 
sents the moon, the cross-like extensions radiating from the center rei)resent 
the rays of the sun. This shield, like all otlx'rs, originated in a (h'eani 




¥i^. 16 (50-5700). A btifrulo liide Slii 



In Fig. 13a is a simple but very common shield design in which tlie 
central colored area represents the sun or some other hea\"enly body. In 
Fig. 13b is the corresponding form in which the central figure represents 
the moon. In Fig. ]3f we have a drawing representing the simpler type of 
buffalo shield. 




^4^ 




1912.] Wissler, Bluckjnot Bundles. 125 

The apparent wide distrihutioii of the Plains ty{)e of shield has been 
noted in the Handbook of American Indians, whence it is natural to assume 
that the subjective or esoteric characters are about eciually distributed. 
So far as our positive knowledge goes, the designs have dream or vision 
origins arhong the Blackfoot, Gros Ventre, Assinil)oine, Crow, Hidatsa, 
Teton-Dakota, and Kiowa. Data on pueblo sliields reported by Dr. 
Spinden suggest a different conception in that area in so far as the origins 
of the designs are concerned. On the other hand, the statement of Mr. 
Mooney to the effect that throughout the Plains area we find shields with 
like dream origins, similar taboos, and uniformity in the use of incense as 
well as songs maj^ be taken as correct in so far as it applies definitely to the 
tribes named above. This similarity also extends to the peculiar method 
of supporting the shield during the day upon a tripod outside of the tipi 
and the tendency to change its position in keeping with the movements of 
the sun so that its face should always be in the direct sunlight. We feel 
that the distribution of the simple objective, or physical characters of 
shields is far less significant and important than the peculiar associated 
distribution of these more subjective aspects. Thus, the presence of the 
supernatural design origin, the observances and practices required by the 
shield ritual among the several Plains tribes using the shield, suggests a 
common origin on the one hand, and a wholesale adoption on the other. 
In a previous paper, ^ it was noted that among the Teton-Dakota it was the 
power of the shield represented by the protective design upon it or its cover 
to which the Indian looked for protection rather than to the mechanical 
properties of the rawhide disc. A similar conception seems to prevail 
among the Blackfoot. While this apparent disregard of the mechanical 
properties of the shield may be explained as a change of attitude brought 
about b}' the introduction of superior weapons, as noted by Clark,^ it seems 
to us more likely that the Indian originall;s' placed his chief faith in the power 
of the design. This is certainly consistent with the other facts of Plains 
culture. 

So far, we have not found associated with the shields of other tribes 
anything like the Blackfoot transfer. It is reasonable to assume that 
when the shield and its ritual came into Blackfoot life it was adapted to 
the transfer, or to the ceremonial scheme of the tribe. 



Vol. 1. 22. 
Clark, .336 



12<> Autfuopoloyicul Paiwrs AnuricnH Muscititi of Xutunil Uislury. [\o\. VII, 

OtTKK HlNDLES. 

Tlu'iv art' twn similar l)Uii(llt's anions the Piegan each containing as the 
chief object tlic skin of an otter. Tliis bundle is often spoken of as the 
siiioking-otter, or tlie otter witli which smoking nnist be properly attended 
to. The usual name, however, is " the-rattling-smoking thing," referring 
to a retjuirement that whenever the owner smokes, a rattling noise must be 
made with a metal object. These medicines are regarded as very old but 
arc now of minor importance. 'V\\v narrati\t' of their origin ^ is a version 
of a well known Dakota myth. 

We collected two other Aersions of this m;\th in one of which two Sarsi 
went east with some white men while in the other it was a Piegan. In each, 
they went on a boat to an island, l)ut then to heaven, where the ritual came 
from God. The \ersion previously published was given by an old Piegan 
who owned one of the bundles and may be assumed the most authentic. 
In that narrati\e we are told that, "Whenever the owner of this medicine 
begins to smoke, he shakes the bells on the otter four times. Then he 
takes some smoke, blows it into the hollow of his hand, and rubs it on the 
otterskin. Then he blows one handful to the otter, one to the bells, one to 
the owner's heart, and one to the ground. This last is because the otter 
runs on the ground. There is power in this, because the otter is supposed 
to have long life." - 

One of the unpublished \-ersions runs: when the Indian had returned, 
he made up the smoking-otter bundle. Later, his brother recjuested it, 
so he transferred it to him. Yet he made up another one smaller than the 
first. The latter is the female, the former the male. Thus it came about 
that there were two otter bundles. Now a few years ago, the owner of 
the smoking-otter got a new otterskin and in a ceremony changed the old 
otterskin l)y placing the bells and other things on the new skin. A white 
man who is still living asked for the old skin, saying that he wished to use 
it as a bag. It was given to him and he got some bells and niach- up another 
smoking-otter and later transferred it to another man. There are now 
three smoking-ottcrs here. They were all transferred in the same way with 
the same .songs. The smoking-otter is \-ery powerful and was formerly 
much used in liattle and on the warjjath. The owners .seldom fail to have 
dreams tlirou.uli the bundle. There arc foui- or more war songs among those 
used with the smoking-otter. Some of the words are: "Wind is our medi- 
euic. Kain i> our medicine. The water is our medicine and our body." 



» Vol. 2. 98. 
■'■ Vol. 2, 99. 



1912. 



sl,r, Hlackhnt Bnnilln 



127 



The following rather full account of the transfer <;i\es tiie ritual and other 
points of interest as narrated by Big-brave, a Piegan : - 

A sweat house is made. Grass is placed around the inside; at the rear 
a bunch of the grass is placed. On this is placed the smoking-otter. The 
hole is round. A hollowed pile of dirt is j)laced on the east and west side 
of the hole and circles drawn around them with the fingers. On top of each 
heap of dirt a smudge is made with creeping juniper seed (Fig. 19). 

When the rocks are sufficiently heated, the owner wearing his robe, on 
his back the smoking-otter, and carrying the smudge stick and seeds, 
slowly approaches the sweat house while singing. When he reaches it, he 
goes around it once to his right and enters. He seats himself near the rear 
at the right, and places the smoking-otter on the grass at the rear. After 
he has said a prayer over a pipe which is handed in, he lights it and all 
smoke. When the pipe is burnt out the ashes are emptied on the east. 




Fig. 19. 
Drawing. 



of tlie Sweat House for the Smoliine-otter Bundle, from an Indian 



southw^est, and north side of the hole and the remainder in the bottom of it. 
Some live coals are placed on the two piles of dirt and while singing the 
smudge song he holds up some of the seeds with one hand. The song runs 
as follows: "The above is powerful. The ground is our medicine." Then 
he places some of the juniper on each smudge place. After passing the 
smoking-otter around his waist it is passed out through the west of the sweat 
house and placed on top of it with the head towards the east. Five heated 
stones are brought in and placed at each corner of the hole and one in the 
bottom. He makes another smudge, placing some of the seed on each of the 
five rocks. Then they are all thrown into the hole and the rest brought in. 
Another smudge is made on the pile of stones in tlic hole. Sonic of the seed 
is placed at the four corners while some is put on the center of the pile of 
rocks. The curtains are pulled down and after dipping a bunch of grass 
in water, he sprinkles the stones seven times. He sings and a man on the 



12i!l Anlhroi/iiliKjiail Pdpcifi American Museum of Xalural History. [Vol. VII, 

outsidi' sliakcs the smcn hells on the otter four times. A.s there are usually 
five or six men in the sweat house, eaeh man takes his turn at praying while 
the others sing. There are seven songs in all. The covers of tiie door are 
raised se\en times and the ceremony is ended. When it is raised in the 
beginning of the ceremony, they all look out and say: "We are looking at 
the green grass, leaves, and berries." This is said if the ceremony is held 
during the winter, but should it be held in the summer time, they say: 
"We are looking at the snow." This means that they will all live to see 
the ne.xt winter. 

After the sweat house ceremony, the men go to the tipi where the trans- 
fer is to take place. The owner enters and seats himself on the right near 
the rear of the tipi. The purchaser sits on the left, with his wife and the 
seller's wife to his right. The smoking-otter is tied to one of the poles at 
the rear. The smudge place is a hollow round heap of dirt, about a foot 
and a half across, somewhat similar to the one made in the sweat house. 
The smudge of juniper is placed at tiie top. This smudge represents the 
hole in the ice made by the otters. 

At first a berry soup is served. All those present first hold up a berry 
and jjray to it before eating the soup. There are usually quite a number of 
people in the tipi during the ceremony. Four drums are used. After the 
soup has l)een eaten, the otter is taken from the tipi pole and placed on some 
grass while .some of the grass is placed o\ev the otter's back as though he were 
ali\c. The grass and otterskin are at the rear between the smudge and the 
ti])i wall. The owner hands the smudge stick to one of the men to get a 
Ii\(' colli, which is then placed on the heaped smudge place and, taking some 
of tiir juniper lierries, he sings: "The above are powerful. The ground is 
l)owerful and is our medicine," and places some of the juniper on the coal. 

First holding one of the drums over the smudge he strikes the edge on 
the southeast corner, on the southwest, the northwest, and the northeast 
corner of the smudge. He hands the drum to one of the four men who is 
to use it. Two cups of water are placed near the purchaser and the seller 
of the smoking-otter. As they begin to sing, the owner blows on his bone 
whistle. At the same time he dips his hand into the cup of water and 
brushes his head with his wet hand and then places his hand on his heart. 
The purchaser repeats the same movements. A song for the paint is sung 
as he takes the yellow paint in his hand and mixes some water with it and 
sings: "The water is our medicine," and then paints the buyer's face and 
entire bfxly witli the yellow i)aint, and a streak of red across the eyes and 
mouth. 

During the next song one of the men goes out with a rifie which is fired 
when the otter is taken from its grass bed. The shooting represents the 



1912.] Wissler, Blackjoot Bundles. 129 

shooting at otters when they are seen coming up in the water. As the otter 
is taken up, the man blows four times on his bone whistle. This is supposed 
to represent the whistle of the otter. The spectators shout and make all 
the noise possible when the shooting is done. The gun used in the shooting 
is part of the fee paid for the smoking-otter. 

The owner passes the smoking-otter around his waist under his blanket, 
then over the smudge four times. Then he holds it to the purchaser's 
left shoulder, his back, his right shoulder and against his breast. The 
purchaser receives it and liolding it in his arms like a child, prays to it. He 
returns it to the owner and as he receives the otter he goes through the 
movements of a dance, still keeping his seat. All the persons in the tipi 
place their robes in front of them covering their legs. 

The next song is: "Waves are my medicine. ^Yater is our medicine." 
He passes the otter to the first person sitting to his left under the cover. 
The otter is passed under the robes or blankets around the entire tipi until 
it reaches the owner again. This passing of the otter under the robes 
represents the otter swimming under the water. The owner now takes the 
otter again and sings: "Above is our medicine." This refers to the seven 
stars which the seven bells tied around the otter's neck are supposed to 
represent. Then he dips his fingers into the cup of water and sings : " Water 
is our medicine," and places his hand on his head and on his breast, the 
purchaser repeating the same motions with his cup of water. 

The owner passes the otter to the smudge four times and as it has a 
looped carrying strap made of a red scarf he places the loop over the buyer's 
head and shoulders and leaves the otter hanging on the purchaser's back 
with the head at his left side. After, it is removed from the purchaser's 
back and put on his wife in the same manner by the owner's wife. Then it 
is placed on its bed of grass curled up as if it were alive. He takes a pipe 
which has been filled and holding it with both hands Avith the bowl towards 
his left and the mouthpiece towards his right and turning the pipe about 
foTir times, he holds it to the purchaser's mouth four times, barely touching 
his lips with the pipestem. At the fourth time the purchaser draws four 
times on the pipe. Meanwhile the spectators shout and cheer for the 
purchaser. The owner then lights the pipe and hands it to the purchaser. 
He blows some of the smoke in his left hand which he places on the ground 
and to his heart. Then he blows some smoke in his right hand, brushes 
his head with it and places his hand to his breast. He bloAvs more smoke 
in his right hand and rubs the otter's head with it and then into his left hand 
and rubs the seven bells which are tied to the smoking-otter's neck. As he 
is smoking the pipe the owner shakes the bells on the otter's neck for him 
four times and again the crowd shouts and cheers the buyer. The words 
of the song referring to this are: "My smoke is powerful." 



l.">() Anthropoloyicdl Fdpcrs American Museuvi nf Xatural History. [\o\. \ll, 

During' tlic lu'xt son^ tin- Ixmc wlii.stlc, which has a neck string tied to it, 
is trunst'erred to the Ijiiycr. It is passed four times to the smudge and then 
placed over tlic man's licad and hung on liis neck. Then it is liehl to liis 
lips four times, thus ending the transfer of the whistle. 

The words of the next song are: "Those above are our medicine." 
(This refers to the seven stars.) "The ground is our medicine. The water 
is our medicine." Then he mixes some paint and water and paints the 
Iniyer's white l)lanket with many red spots. He also paints a spot on his 
left wrist and on the joint of the arm. He does the same on his right arm 
joint and wrist and both shoulders and on l)oth sides of his breast. His 
leggings, also, are painted red. 

The ceremony ends for a time and continues in the evening when the 
songs are learned. 

The purchaser's face is painted with yellow, a yellow spot on his forehead 
and on either cheek. A scratch is made across each spot with the fingers 
in representation of the crack in the bells on the otter's neck. 

After the evening ceremony the new owner is put to bed with the otter 
placed on his breast. He must not move but must remain in the same posi- 
tion through the night. The next morning the former owner awakens 
him, takes the smoking-otter and places it on the grass near the smudge 
place. The c\('ning ceremony continues four nights. Every night the new- 
owner is i)ut to bed as on the first. The smoking-otter is very powerful; 
when men are asleep with it they can feel it crawling around on their body. 

There are forty-nine songs which are sung in groups of seven. The 
new owner is painted Avith yellow' spots. These spots of yellow are scratched 
across first in the painter's hand and then stamped on. The cross is to 
represent the cracks made in the bells which are on the otterskin. The new 
owner's horse is painted with red paint to represent the tracks of the otter 
eagle claws (zigzag lints between two horseshoes), and hailstones (circles). 
Sometimes the horse is painted with many dots of red on the head, neck, 
and shoulders, and on his hips. Tiie otter is either carried on this horse 
or else the owner rides on the horse and carries the otter on his back. The 
horse is painted on both sides. 

.\ftcr the horse is painted, the otter is placed outside the tipi on a tripod. 
W hen he wislics to move camp, he puts the otter on his back, a smudge is 
made outside near tlie tripod and the former owner makes four passes to 
the snnidge ami to his stirrup and mounts his horse. The ow^ner's and his 
wife's white blankets are painted in red with seven rows of red dots, seven in 
each row. These represent the seven bells on the otter's neck. 

The taboos for the new owner of the smoking-otter are as follows: 
lie must never sit on the bare ground nor must he smoke while any moccasins 



1912.] Wisslrr, BlackJooL lUwdles. 131 

are hanging over head. AVlien lie begins to smoke someone must tap on a 
steel four times for him while he smokes, or if there is no steel about the 
place, a knife may be used to tap four times on a tobacco board. Some- 
times, as he usually has a triangular or an egg-shaped st(H'l, one of these 
is tapped four times against the knife. 

The owner's horse is painted for use in war. When the rider is about 
to ride to the battlefield he sings: "My horse runs well. May he run all 
right. Now I am going to run. The ground is my medicine. It is power- 
ful." 

The owner of the smoking-otter always places the bundle on a tripod 
outside on the west side, the woman usually taking it out in the morning 
and going around to the south of her tipi. In the evening she brings it in 
by the north side. She makes a smudge four times a day, in the morning, 
at noon, in the evening, and at bed time. The woman holds both hands 
over the smudge and places her hands to both of her ears, one hand to her 
mouth and nose, one hand to her heart, and brushes her shoulders and arms 
down after holding her hands over the smudge. This is done each time 
she makes a smudge. Formerly, the owners of the smoking-otter kept a 
brass button in their mouths while smoking, but this is not done at present. 
They still blow some of the smoke in their hands and then put theu- hands 
to their breasts, the ground and to the head, just as is done in the first part 
of the transfer ceremony. 

A Piegan kept an otterskin which was during the day supported by a 
vertical pole, we were unal)le to learn anything of its ritual and origin. We 
have no reason for assuming that this was similar to the two bundles just 
mentioned, but note it here as a matter of record. 

According to New-breast when medicine bundle owners assemble in a 
tipi the owner of the smoking-otter takes the highest seat, but except for 
this he seems not to have enjoyed particular honor. 

Bear Knife. 

A bundle now on the verge of extinction is the l)ear knife. There must 
have been many of these, since we met men on several reservations who had 
the ritual but who had ceased to care for the bundle. The chief object was 
a large dagger-like knife to the handle of which was attached the jaws of a 
bear. Maximilian mentions a similar knife and figures one, apparently 
seen among the Gros Ventre.^ We did not collect one of these bundles 
but did secure a pair of armlets for the owner's ceremonial use (50-5425), 

Maximilian, 105. 



li)2 Anthmpnhxjiriil Papers American Museum of Xatitrdl HiMorjj. [\'ol. \II, 

A part of the iKirrali\f piihlislu-d in our series^ gives the reputed mythi- 
cal hasis for the ritual. Few of these bundles remain. One reason given 
for the decline of this ritual was the brutality of its transfer, the passing 
of the old life having almost eliminated the torture feature in ceremonial 
practices. Even in former times few men willingly took the bear knife, 
but were "caught," a method of forced transfer fully discu.ssed in connection 
with the medicine-pipe. As implied in the narrative the recipient must 
catch the knife thrown violently at him and is also cast naked upon thorns 
and held there while painted and beaten thoroughly Avith the flat of the 
knife. 

A INcgan, named lilack-bear had one of these bundles tran.sferred to 
him al)<)ut forty years ago. His account of the proceeding is about as fol- 
lows: — Before the bear knife could be transferred to him he had to make 
seven sweat houses for the owner of the knife on seven different days. The 
hole in the sweat house was cut round and the dirt piled on the west side of it. 
At first se\en rocks were heated and placed on the north, or right, of the 
door in a line about six inches apart. The heap of dirt and the rocks were 
to i)e used for making the smudge. Parsnip roots were used for making the 
snuidgc and the ordinary sweat house songs were sung. The former owner 
of the knife entered the sweat house backwards. A pipe with the mouth- 
piece painted red was given to the owner who prayed to it and smoked it. 
All this time the bear knife was still in its bundle on top of the sweat house. 
During each sweat house ceremony the owner painted his face red with 
streaks of black across his eyes and at the sides of his mouth. The black 
marks were made with black powder. The red paint (seventh paint) was 
scratched with the fingers. The black marks were to represent the bear's 
teeth. Tlie owner wore a painted buffalo robe with the hair part out, at 
cacli of the scv(>n sweat houses made for him. When the owner was dressed 
and jiaintcd, he would sit in his own tipi waiting for the sweat house to be 
made ready. An attendant would notify him by kicking one of the tipi 
I)oles on the west side. When he heard the first kick on the pole he woidd 
make the noise of a bear. Then they would kick again, and again he woidd 
make the noise of a bear. At the fourth kick he ran as fast as he could 
toward the sweat hou.se. 

When in the sweat house the owner took some of tlie parsnij) root and 
as he held it up sang: "The earth is my medicine." Then he put some of 
it on each of the seven lieated rocks and the remainder on the pile of dirt 
near the hole. He threw water on the stones fourteen times. 

After the seven sweat houses had been made the real transfer of the 



Vol. 2, 95. 



1912.] Wissln; Blnrkjool Bundles. 133 

knife began. At first some rose hushes or tliorns were stuck in a row close 
together near the rear of the tipi. The owner sat on the left and the buyer 
on the right of the thorns. Some red paint and gunpowder mixed with 
water were put into cups, placed near the owner. Then a smudge was made 
with parsnip root near the bushes. The two men were naked. When 
Black-bear was getting this knife there were many men in the tipi. Seven 
drums were used. When the singing began all those in the tipi made all 
the noise possible, shouting and shaking all the tipi poles. 

The owner moAed about in his seat as a bear does, moving backward 
and forward. Wlien the o\\ner was about to paint the purchaser, seven 
men stood outside of the tipi each with a gun. The owner sprang upon the 
purchaser, threw him on the thorns and painted him. At the same time 
the guns were fired. The owner turned the purchaser first on one side and 
then on the other while painting him, holding him against the thorns all 
the time. The shooting of the guns is to represent shooting at bears when 
they are in the brush. 

After the man had been painted with the seventh paint, scratched down 
with the fingers, and the marks with gunpowder made over the eyes and 
mouth, another smudge was made. The knife, still in its wrappings, was 
passed four times over the smudge and taken out of its coverings. The 
owner, holding the knife in his right hand, went through the motions of 
stabbing. Meanwhile, singing and drumming was going on. The owner 
again threw the purchaser on the thorns and slapped him on the breast 
with the flat of the bear knife, turned him over, and slapped him on the 
back. The two men crawled along on hands and knees to the north side 
of the fireplace where the owner again sprang on the purchaser and again 
slapped him on the breast and back with the knife. They crawled to the 
west side and he repeated the same movements. Thus the purchaser 
became the owner of the bear knife. 

He further stated that he was not required to catch the thrown knife, 
though such was the rule. His horse was painted after the transfer. The 
tail, mane, forelock, and a stripe on the back were in red. The sides were 
marked by several red imprints of hands. The four succeeding evenings 
were spent in rehearsing the songs. Immediately following this, the owner 
slept out in the hills with the bundle for four to seven nights, or until he 
dreamed about it. 

The owner wears his robe with the hair side out, paints it red and paints 
his face the bear way. He nuist never turn back from the enemy, but go 
directly forward singing songs from the ritual, take an enemy by the hair 
and stab him. He can use no other weapon. Dogs must not come inside 
while the owner is there and no one should strike on iron while he is smoking. 



VAA Anthmi)ologicnl Papers American Museum of Natural Historij. [WA. \'II, 

Duriiij,' the suniiiicr the kiiitV is kept un\vrai)i)('(l and fastened to one of 
the tij)i poles inside near the owner's seat, that it may be at hand when 
needed. Late in the fall, it is taken dow^n and placed in its bundle where 
it remains until spring, thus imitating the bear. During this time, the 
bundle is suspendeil on a tripod behind the tipi through the day. A smudge 
of parsnip root is made three times daily. 

Both sides of the knife-l)lade are painted with the seventh paint and a 
zigzag of blue. Its power was thought to be very great, so great that its 
owner was seldona killed, for its appearance frightened everyone into sub- 
mission, after the manner of bears. There are many songs in the ritual; 
all war songs, since the bear is a fighting animal. 

The bundle is supposed to have originated with the Sarsi. 



]\[edicixe Lance. 

Among the Piegan there is a bundle containing a spear as the principal 
object. The shaft is something less than three feet in length and carries a 
long knife-like blade of iron. The bundle is made up by wrapping the shaft, 
but leaving the blade exposed. Li the bundle are launches of feathers antl 
bells to l)e tied on the shaft for the demonstration of the ritual. Also, 
the skin of a small red-winged bird to be worn on the head of the owner when 
on the warpath and a small pipe for use in the ceremony. Contrary to the 
usual custom this bundle is kept outside the tipi at all hours and in all 
weathers, supported on a tipi pole near its middle and parallel to it which 
leans against the back of the tipi. The point of the lance is upward and 
kept coated with red paint to symbolize blood. 

We secured no narrative of origin for this bundle and \'ery little of tlie 
ritual. It was said to have originated in the conventional dream. In four 
of the songs the sentiments were respectively: — 

My spear is medicine. 

The red winged bird is medifine. 

The feather, I want it . 

My tipi is nicdicinc 

.\s usual, the bundle is uinvrapi)ed as the ritual proceeds. Tlic i)aint- 
ing of the owner at the beginning of the ceremony is as follows: — the face, 
body and hands ar(> covered with yellow as a ground. Marks on the arms 
and legs are made by drawing the fingers along their lengths in the freshly 
applied yellow paint. A black spot is made on the forehead, nose and each 
temple; a larger one on the breast and a similar one opposite on the back. 
There is ;in alternative pnint in wliich a red ground is used, but otluM-wise 



1912.] Wisslcr, Blarkfoot Bundles. 135 

the same. The owner is free to choose either. These are his war j^aint 
and if at any time he has a dream that threatens ill, he paints himself after 
this manner for protection, the idea being that as the paint protects him in 
war it may also keep off other dangers. 

The owner must observe certain rides in his daily life. The point of 
the spear must never touch earth. Every morning and evening, a sweet- 
grass smudge must be made at the usual place in the tipi. The owner must 
not smoke in any place where moccasins are hanging up. While he is 
smoking no one in the tipi should touch moccasins, nor touch the bare earth 
with the fingers, nor sit at or in the door. The violation of any of these 
will result in dreadful skin diseases. Again, if he should turn back in battle, 
or after starting in the direction of known enemies, he will be killed. If he 
goes straight into the fight, he will not be killed. 

This bundle was primarily a war medicine. When the owner was about 
to go on the warpath the bundle was opened by performing the ritual and 
then made up again in the usual way. Again, when a scout had located 
the enemy, the bundle was again opened in the same way just before the 
attack, the owner going against the enemy with the spear and in full regalia. 

A man well versed in the affairs of the warpath gave the following inci- 
dents in the history of this spear: — Once my grandfather, then a \oung man 
was mourning for his brother. He took the spear and went to war. When- 
ever his party approached enemies with spears they fled. At last they 
came upon two of the enemy asleep, and my grandfather killed them with 
the medicine spear. After this my grandfather carried it to war with him 
many times. In former times the spear could be owned by men who had 
been great leaders in war. Once this spear was lost in battle with the 
Assiniboine. The man who carried it thrust it into the body of an enemy 
but could not recover it; just when the battle was over the spear was found 
still in the dead body. This spear was once owned by a small man who 
went out with a war party against the Crow. At this time the Yellowstone 
was very high. He asked the tallest man of the party to carry the spear. 
The current of the stream was so strong that it took them all off their feet. 
Whenever the spear point touched the water it would get hot and sparks 
would fly oft" as it rose from the surface. 

During the winter of 1903 a certain man's child became very ill and he 
registered a vow that if it recovered, he would purchase the medicine spear, 
i. e., have it transferred to him. The child died. This aroused consider- 
able feeling in the community against this bundle and the owner himself 
felt his faith shaken, especially fearing that he should never be able to get 
it off his hands. Since this incident, however, the bundle has given satis- 
factory results. 



130 



Anlhropological Papers American Musenin of Xalurtil Uistonj. [\'ol. \ II, 



There is aiiotlier lance ainon^^ the Hlood, though for some reason it is 
spoken of as a pipe. It was captured from the Cree and after a time its 
owner had dreams resulting in a ritual. We received the drum used with 
it. As to the ritual, we gained no definite information. It seems to have 
had a checkered career and not held in particular esteem. For example, it 
was once buried with its owner who did not transfer it. Later, however, 
a man reconstructed it and claimed the ritual with the necessary ceremony 
for such cases. 

Among the Piegaii there was a hear lance hearing some analogies to the 
hear knife. ^ This was huricd w itli its owner some years ago and has never 
been restored. 

In passing, it may be remarked that we Found no use of the l)()w-spear, 
reverenced l)V some divisions of the Siouan stock. 



The Medicine-Pipe. 

-Vmong the more inii)()rtant medicines of the JJlackfoot are the sacred 
pipe bundles. Something more than seventeen of these are distributed 
among the se\'eral reser\'ations and while there are some differences, as will 
be noted later, the greater number are of one type and may l)e assumed to 




KiK. 20 (.'■,()-.544,S). A Mc(licino-pii)(' IUiikIIc. l.ciiKth. l.?2 cm. 

ha\-e had a common origiru \Vc refer to what may be considered the 
thunder's pipe, or tiie ritual iianded down by the thunder, a Blood version 
of which may be found in our collection of myths.^ So far as we know, the 



See myth, vol. 
Vol. 2, 80. 



1912.] Wisder, Blackfool Bundles. 137 

first clear account of the Blackfoot pipe ceremony is by Kane as obser\ed 
June, 1846.^ He has given us a sketch of the dance with the pipes, one of 
the bundles showing in proper position over the door of a tipi. 

A pipe bundle is shown in Fig. 20. The outer wrapping for these bundles 
should be the hairy skin of a black bear and next to this a scraped elk hide. 
Around the midflle of the bundle is a broad strip of elkskin. The contents 
are made up into two Inmdles which we shall designate as primary and 
secondary. The former is a long slender poke made of red flannel, both 
ends open. It contains the decorated stem, or the pipe proper, and a head 
band of white buffalo skin, with the hair, and an eagle feather to tie on the 
owner's head. The bundle should always hang so that the mouthpiece of 
the stem points to the north (in the ceremony, toward the east) and as a 
guide to this the ends of the poke are tied with difFerent colored cords. 
The secondary bundle contains a smaller pipestem," an owl, two loons, 
two white swans, two cranes, a muskrat skin, an otterskin, a rattle, a skin 
of a fawn, a whistle, and sometimes the skin of a prairie dog. These are 
wrapped in pieces of gaily colored calico. Tobacco is put into the bird 
skins. The rattle is kept in a poke of prairie dog skin. Naturally, the 
contents of this secondary bundle differ somewhat for the various pipes. 

In a square fringed bag ^ are kept paints and smudge materials ; also 
beads for the owner and his wife, a necklace and other accessories. There 
is also a wooden bowl for the owner, a whip, and a rope. No one must use 
any of these objects handled by a pipe owner. He must also have a horse 
for his own use. Should he loan it, something ill would befall the horse or 
the rider. Special forked sticks are required for the smudge. All these 
objects are kept coated with red earth paint. ^ The owner's robe w^as often 
painted as shown in Fig. 21, though since the extinction of the buffalo this 
has almost passed out of mind. A special fan, an eagle's wing, is in the 
outfit; also a pipe-stoker, and a tobacco board. 

The primary bundle is a true bundle and was sometimes carried to war. 
Around its middle is often a binding, similar to the elkskin wrapping, and a 
cord for suspension. Though we have no direct evidence, the inference 
is that the secondary bundle has been added to an original bundle contain- 
ing the pipestem only. The stem in our collection is shown in Fig. 22. It 
is about thirty inches long. In two places it is wrapped with wire, in another 

1 Kane, 424. 

2 The pipe bowls are not kept in the bundle and the medicine .stem is rarely smoked. 
About the only time it is so used is when the bundle is opened at the sun dance and brought 
into the enclosure. There it must be lighted with flint and steel by a person who has captured 
a medicine-pipe from the enemy. 

' Vol. 5, 77. 

* It is said that formerly every i)ipe owner kept his garment fully coated with red paint 
so that he could be known at siglit. 



13S 



Anthrnpological Papers American Museum of Xalural History. [Vol. VII, 



with 1T(1 tlaiiiit'l. Tlif iiitcrNcnin^- sjjact's arc friiij^^cd with strips of white 
weasel skins. From the lower cud haiij;s a fan of ca^ic tail-fcatlicrs. A few 
bells are also attached. 

The headdress is a simple hand of white buffalo calfskin (often sheep 
or goat skin) about two inches wide. The longest feather from an eagle's 
wing is tied across the head above this band. 




Fig. 21 (.50-54.">y;. A docoratod biilFalo Kobe for a Medicino-pipe Owner The upper 
part is painted red. below which are four claws of the thunder bird and spots representing 
hail. Attached to tiie rolie is a small bag of sweet pine needles. 



Tiie mcdicinc-pipc bundle in tiic Museum collection contains the 
following: — 

00-5448 a. The wrappings for the bundle: a tanned elk hide, a bear- 
skin (in this case an imitation of dog skin), a numl)er of 
thongs and pieces of gaily colored calico, 
b. The carrying strap: a woman's belt because it falls to her 
tocarrv the bundle. 



1912.] 



Wissler, Blackfool Bundle 



1.39 



ary to cover all pipe 



c. A woman's shawl. It is custoii 
bundles with such a shawl. 
50-5449 a. The decorated pipestem, the chief object in the bundle. 

b. A headdress of mountain goat wool in imitation of white 
bufi'alo calf. 

c. Eagle wing-feather, worn crosswise on the leader's head. 

d. Small pipestem for smoking in the ceremonies. 

e. Rattle used by the owner in connection with certain songs. 

f. Bag of muskrat skin for the rattle. 

g. A flageolette. 

h. Head of a crane. 

i. Skin of a loon in the form of a tobacco pouch. 

j. Foetus of a deer, tobacco pouch. 

k. A pipe rack of three sticks. 

1. Skin of a prairie dog. 

m. Skin of a squirrel. 

n. Skin of a squirrel. 

o. Bowl for pipestem d. 

p. Skin of a muskrat. 

q. Skin of a mink. 

r. An owl skin. 
50-5716 An owl skin. 
50-5717 a-c. Skins of birds. 
50-5450 Stick for fastening the bundle over the door on the outside, 

where it is sometimes placed in the morning. 
50-5451 Tripod on which the bundle hangs when out-of-doors. 
50-5452 a. Rawhide bag with accessories. 

b. Small bag of roots used in the smudge. 

c-h. Bags containing red paints. 

i. A paint bag. 

j. Muskrat skin for wiping sweat from the face of the owner. 

k. Bag of pine needles for the smudge. 

1-m. Necklaces for the owner and his wife. 

n-o. Paint sticks for penciling designs on the face. 
50-5453 Tongs used for placing fire on the smudge place. 

50-5454 a. Tobacco cutting l)oard. 

b-c. Pipe-stokers. 
50-5455 Wooden bowl for the owner's food. 

50-5456 Fan of eagle wing for the owner. 

50-5457 Whip for owner's horse. 

50-5458 Thong lariat for owner's horse. 

50-5459 Painted I)ulTalo robe for owner. 



141) 



Anlhrupological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. VII. 




kn]\ '•> 














1 i.^'. 22 (50-544i)a). A INIedicine-pipe. 

77/c JiifiKil.^ All liiiiidk' ceremonies are held in the tipi, oi- home of the 
owner, and as his use of the sweat house, the form of the smudge place, etc., 
are determined by the restrictions imposed by the ritual, there is practically 
no preparation in that sense, ever\'thing being in constant readiness for 
the ceremony. Except as hereafter stated, the owner of a pipe bundle lets 
it be known informally that the bundle will be opened at a certain time. 
He formally invites a man experienced in the ritual to assist as a prompter 
or actually to officiate. A few other nun are invited to aid in the songs. 
These men are usually accompanied by their wives, or head-wives, if from 
a polygamous household. The wife of the owner or officiating pipe-man 

' So far as we know ihf only other extended account of a pipe ritual is that by Mc- 
C'llntork (202). The ritual we Kive belongs to the pipe in the Museum. Oiu- information is 
to the elTfct that there are some (iitrerences in i)ipe rituals and the details of the ceremonies 
and liiai there are many son^s optional to the owner and those officiating. Hence, many 
of thi' dilTerenccs to he noticrd in the work of this writer are doubtless based upon authentic 
statements (•(jneeniiiig pari iciHar himdles 



1912.] Wisslcr, Blackjoot Bundles. 141 

takes an important part in the ceremony while the others assist in singing. 
As a rule, the ceremony is performed (hiring the day, beginning about ten 
or eleven o'clock and ending early the same afternoon. Those invited 
assemble at the owner's tipi. The officiating pipe-man takes his seat at 
the rear, facing the smudge place and the door. On his left, sits the prompt- 
er and next, the men to assist in the singing.^ On the right of the pipe- 
man sits his wife and next, the other women. The remaining part of the 
circle is free to anyone who comes to look on, l)ii1 is usually taken only by 
the aged and important, the others standing outside by the open door. 

Several layers of blankets are placed in front of the pipe-man upon which 
the owner's wife lays the bundle. Theoretically, the pipe-man should now 
formally state the reasons for this particular opening of the bundle and give 
in substance the na^rati^•e of its origin; but this is often passed over with the 
statement that, " All must be familiar with the account of how this pipe was 
given to us and have heard of the reason for the ceremony now about to 
take place." He then proceeds with the ritual. 

To assist the reader in the comprehension of this ritual we have pre- 
sented it under what seem to be its two main divisions: a, the opening of 
the bundle and h, the dancing with the pipe. However, so far as we know, 
the pipe-men themselves never thought of the ritual under these heads. 
To them it proceeds by units of seven songs each, between which there 
are optional intervals of rest, conversation, and feasting. The songs for 
this ritual were recorded with a graphophone.- Like most Indian 
songs they are composed of conventional meaningless syllables with one 
or two phrases expressing the sentiment of the song or referring to the 



1 Seven drums are reqiiired in the ceremony, the single rattle being used by the oflficiating 
pipe-man. Before the drums are used there is an interesting proc3dure. The pipe owner 
takes up a drimi, holds it in the smudge, then raises it above his head and sings: "That, 
above, powerful; the earth, powerful." Then he must coimt four war deeds: then raising 
the drum high above his head, he strikes gently in suceession the four corners of the smudge 
place. This confers to the drummers the right to participate. 

2 These records are in the Museum collection (Nos. 367-84) together with their texts 
the translations for which are used in this paper. The chief responsibility for these rests 
with Mr. Duvall. Since this is not a linguistic study we omit the texts, giving only the 
translations. However, it may be worth while adding a few terms common to most songs 
and prayers: — 

natojirva (animate form, naiosiw"') — hidden sim power, 'the state of being saturated 

with Sim power, etc. This corresponds in a way to the Dakota wakan. the Ojibway 

manitou, etc. 
spo'tum — the above, the heavens, etc This seems to imply all tlic powers and creatures 

that move in the air and in space. 
so^kuma — the earth, the lower regions, etc. This is the antipode of the preceding and 

seems to imply all the creatures and powers that move on and tlirough the earth 
saam — medicines. Bundles and their contents as well as rituals are designated by 

this term. 
In the translations these concci)ts have been rendered as powerful, the above, the 
below (earth), and medicines, respectively. 



142 Anthroiiological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. VII, 

ceremonial acts accompanying them. We liave given tlie intelligible 
phrases only, as we are not now concerned with the other aspects of these 
songs. 

a. The opening of the bundle begins with the making of the first smudge 
with sweet pine needles. A burning coal is taken from the fire with the 
wooden tongs and placed in the smudge square. As the first song begins^ 
the pipe-man takes up some of the sweet pine and slowly drops it on the fire. 
As the smoke rises, he and his wife hold their hands in the smoke and sing: — 
1. 'i'liat which is above; it is powerful. 

The pipe owner makes the smudge but his wife sings with him and both 
hold their hands in the smoke : — 

2 That which is below; it is powerful. 

While this is sung, the woman rises and takes the l)undle down from its 
place between herself and her husband and holds it while the third and 
fourth songs are sung, words same as the above. Then follow the fifth and 
sixth songs while the woman takes off the shawl or outer wrapping and lays 
the bundle down between herself and her husband. With the seventh 
song another smudge is made. 

Second Seven Songs. 

1. You stand up; you take me. 
You untie me; 1 am powerful. 

The woman unties the cords. 

2. We are still at the same place sitting; it is powerful. 

She puts the bundle down again. In this and the preceding the pipe 
is supposed to be speaking. 

3 This here man, he says, my robe, take it; it is powerful. 

This is sometimes called the antelope song and the woman makes move- 
ments of hooking and poking at the bundle in imitation of this animal. 
The pipe is supposed to be speaking about the bundle wrappings. 

4. Man, you must say it; buffalo (robe), I take it; it is powerful. 

As this is sung the woman takes off the outer thong, which should be of 
buffalo. Here the pipe is considered to address the owner as a son to a 
father. 

5. My robo, I take it; it is powerful. 

This is the elk song but the pipe is speaking of his own robe and the 
woman shakes her head, etc., like an elk, charging upon the bundle and 
knocking off the outer wrapping of clkskin. 



1912.] Wissler, Blackfool Bundles. 143 

G. The words are the same as above but refer to the owner's own robe. 
Both the owner and the woman pull their roljes over their heads and sit 
like beaver, 

7. The same words again, but the woman makes four passes toward 
the bundle and bringing both hands down on it in imitation of a bear removes 
the bearskin covering which is the robe referred to in this song. 

Third Seven Songs. 

b. The bundle is now open and the contents visible. The secondary 
bundles are untied during a rest. 

1. Man, you must say it; my pipe, it is powerful. 

The pipe is speaking. The owner takes up the pipe and holds the mouth- 
piece to the north. 

2. Man, you must say it; my pipe it is powerful. 
He holds it to the east. 

3. Say, man (the pipe) you sit up that you may be seen; it is powerful. 
Owner is addressing the pipe and holds it to the south. 

4. This my pipe, it is powerful. 
Holds it to the west. Then lays it down. 

5. Man, he says my pipe, it is powerful. 

6. This here (the pipe) man. You sit up that you may be seen; it is 

powerful. 

Owner takes up the pipe and holds it, shakes it four times, and lays it 
down again. 

7. My lodge, may it be solid (safe, etc.); it is powerful. 

This here man, get up so they see you, your children (all the people 
present.) 

The owner is speaking to the pipe. Then he rises and shakes it. Should 
a feather or any part fall the luck would be bad; the owner begins to sing 
his war song, and prepare for the worst. Some brave men dance with the 
pipe on their shoulder without holding it; this is brave because if the pipe 
should fall to the ground their luck will be bad. 

Fourth Seven Songs. 

1. A dancing song: the owner takes the whistle, blows four times to 
the north and dances, keeping time with the rattle; the same to the sun; 
then to the south, and to the west. Then sits down. 



144 Anlhropnlogicnl Papers American Museum nf Xaliiral Ilislory. [X'ol. VII, 

2. A (lanciiij; son^': the owiu-r takes the siiiudgc; stick and dances 
around the tipi stopping at tlie four places as with the whistle. 

;>. A dance song: the owner takes the pipe and moves toward the door, 
dances for the north, holds the pipe up toward the sun and prays, then dances 
at the soutli and Uxstly to the west. 

4-5. These may be dance songs at the option of the owner; otherwise 
the skunk song takes their phice, which is a pleading for mercy to those who 
run ahout on the ground. This is unusual, however. 

G. The above, it is powerful; this here below (oarth), it is my tipi. 

This refers to the eagle feather for the head which should be the longest 
wing feather. The eagle has power to go above, l)ut makes his home on the 
earth. The feather is tied on during the song. 
7. That man, says, the calf, hand it to me. 

The headdress representing a white buffalo calf is put on at this time. 

Fifth Seven Songs. 

1. Woman says, elk I want, hand it to me. 

This refers to the elkskin wrapping of the bundle, but usually nothing 
is done at this time. 

2. That below (earth), it is my tipi. 

This is the horse song and is symbolized l)y the decoration of horsehair 
on the pipe. 

3. Yonder man, say, calf I want, hand it to me. 

4. Repeat No. 1. 

5. This here, my paint, you take some of it; it is powerful, 
f). The buffalo, you take some of it powerful. 

7. Repeat Xo. G. 

When 5 is sung the owner takes up the paint; at b he takes up tallow and 
mixes the paint; at 7 he paints the face. 

Sixth Seven Songs. 

1. The water is my body; it i.s powerful. 

2. M}' tipi; it is powerful. 

The idea expressed in the first song is the gciural concept of the water- 
fowl found in the bundle. Sometimes when this is sung some water is 
sprinkled over or given to the owner. In the transfer of the formula this 
is always taken as giving him the right to the power or use of water as an 
element. The second song refers to the duck, and the woman takes it up 
while singing. 



1912.] Witider, Blackfoot Bundles. 145 

3, 4, and 5. These refer to the bear and are symbolized by the wrapping 
of bearskin and are dancing songs without words. 

6. This refers to the owls, also a dance song, these objects being carried 
in the dance. 

7. This refers to the power of using the horse and in the transfer gives 
the right to its use (p. 158). 

Seventh Seven Songs. 

1. His horse's running; it is powerful. 

2. Repeat No. 1. 

These refer to the power of the horse again: the first for running, the 
second for the horse that is to carry the pipe bundle when camp is moved. 

3. No words to this song but it is always sung by a pipe owner before 
he lies down to sleep anywhere except in his own bed. 

4. The waves are my medicines; over and under the waters is my home. 

5. Under the waters is my home. 

These songs refer to the loon in the bundle. 

6. My tipi, I am looking for it; I have found it. 
When I come in; it is powerful. 

Man, where you have been sitting (the seat in the ceremony) is powerful. 

Woman repeats the above. 

This is a transfer song and refers to the new owner going forth to his 
home. He is usually carried in a blanket. 

7. This here my medicine; it is powerful; I give it to you, this here water, our 

medicines. 

Refers to the muskrat skin and the other water creatures in the bundle. 

Eighth Seven Songs. 

1, 2, 3, and 4 are dancing songs and usually have no words, except that 
one of them is sometimes spoken of as the chicken song, or the white man's 
medicine bird. The words, however, seem to have another significance: 
The above white man hears me. 

5. This is a painting song in which the second painting of the owner 
takes place. 

6. This is a dancing song in which he dances to the four directions. 
It is also used in making a vow. 

7. This is one of those elements often introduced with a tinge of humor. 
It is sung at transfers and the words are, " I have a mind to take it back." 



14() Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. \'II, 

It is explained that a famous hunclle owner once transferred his bundle to 
a man who owned a very fine horse under the impression that it would be 
among the gifts and when he saw that it was not. he sang this song. Since 
then it has been a part of the formula and is often the occasion for great 
mirth and a hint for the purchaser to make more gifts. 

There are other songs making a total of seventy or more, but the above 
are the usual ones in ceremonies. In cases of transfer all the songs must be 
sung in the correct order, but in other ceremonies the leader can close at any 
time after the bundle is open. To do this he sings the closing song: taking 
up a drum, swinging it slowly, and laying it down with the refrain, " Where 
I sit is powerful." 

In general, it wull be seen that the opening of the bundle is preliminary 
and that what follows is a song and dance for each important object in the 
buntlle, each of which symbolizes some concept of powxr. 

Sural House and Paints. All such ceremonies are usually either pre- 
ceded or followed by the entrance of the chief participants into a sweat 
house. The ceremony for the sweat house is in the main fixed and inde- 
pendent of other rituals and will be discussed under another head. In case 
of the pipe bundle, the hole in which the heated stones are placed is rec- 
tangular and rather long in proportion to its width. An experienced pipe- 
man (a Blood ) offered the explanation that this was symbolic of the thunder, 
who causes long breaks or crevices in the ground. The smudge place in 
the tipi of a pipe owner is also rectangular. ^Yhenever the owner of a pipe 
uses the sweat house, except when officiating in a ceremony rec}uiring a 
different kind of hole, he must use the rectangular one though when trans- 
ferring the pipe, the hole is heart-shaped. When the sweat house is used 
in connection with the pipe bundle ceremony the bundle is often placed on 
top with the mouthpiece of the stem toward the door, or the east. A buffalo 
skull, painted and decorated with sage grass as at the sun dance, is also 
placefl at the west side of the sweat house on the dirt taken out of the hole 
inside. 

When a nicdiciMc-ijipc is first given to a man, one of his horses is painted 
red together with his rope and whip. These things he alone must use. 
The medicine-pipe owner's hor.se is painted as follows: across the forehead 
and down to the nose is a stripe of red; the mane and Tail are painted red; 
a zigzag line ending in a horseshoe runs down the hind and the fore cjuarter; 
red dots on the neck and collar and on the hind quarter complete the paint- 
ing. The zigzag ending in a horseshoe is called the Eagle Claw. This is 
similar to the painted robe, Fig. 21. 

The owner uses red paint, the seventh j)aint, and black.' The first is 

> Vol. 5, 13.J. 



1912.1 Wisslcr, Blackfool BuiuUcs. 147 

used for his special utensils and he keeps his robe and leggings well smeared 
with it. For the face he uses the seventh paint. When taking part in a 
scalp dance he traces over the seventh paint with black; a mark down the 
bridge of the nose, a dot on each cheek, a curved mark over the forehead 
and a similar one over the chin. Another painting for all occasions is with 
the seventh paint, a vertical mark down the nose and a curve across the 
forehead above. 

Function. When considering the function of the pipe bundle it may be 
noted that there are but four occasions on which it can be opened : the sound 
of the first thunder in the spring; when it is transferred to a new owner; 
when the tobacco within is renewed; and in accordance with a vow. 

As indicated in the origin myth these bundles are believed to have been 
handed down by the thunder and are in consequence often spoken of as the 
thunder's pipe. Curiously enough, it is a belief that the thunder is afraid 
of an ordinary pipe, or, according to some informants, has an aversion to 
them and smoking; hence, in the ceremonies the pipe-man is careful to 
open the prayers with "Thunder, this is your own pipe," etc. Some few 
years ago (1904) a number of Piegan were gathered in a tipi during a thunder- 
storm. A man called out in bravado inviting the thunder to come in and 
smoke. Almost at the same instant, it is said, the bolt struck the tipi, kill- 
ing some and injuring others. This was cited as recent confirmation of the 
old belief that the thunder disliked smoking except in case of his own pipe. 
The opening of the pipe bundle at the return of the thunder is imperative. 
At the first sound reaching his ears, the owner of a bundle must make imme- 
diate preparations for the opening. He goes outside and announces the 
event, extending an invitation to everybody, old and young. It is said, that 
everyone is made glad by the sound of the first thunder because they will be 
prayed for and receive consecrated tobacco.^ They do not wait for the in- 
vitation but at the first thunder hurry to the tipi of the nearest pipe owner. 
The ceremony does not differ materially from the full ritual given above, 
except that it may be closed at the end of the twenty-first song at the will 
of the owner. The pipe is carried out-of-doors, and prayers are made to the 
thunder while the mouthpiece is held up towards the sky, the home of the 
thunder. In the prayers at this time the thunder is l)esought for the wel- 
fare of all present and especially that no one be killed by him during the 
year. Tobacco is taken out of the bundle and distributed among all present. 
The possession and smoking of this is believed to bring one under the in- 

1 At the sound of the first thunder in the spring everyone is expected to stop in his tracks 
and pray. He opens with, "I am glad to hear you again," and prays for happiness, health, 
plenty, etc. 



148 Anthrujxilngical Papers American Museum of Natural History. [\o\. VII, 

Hut'iice of tlie all pervading' good will of the thunder. Also, at this time, 
soup made of dried berries kept in store for the occasion, is distributed: 
even small portions of berry food (usually service berries) may be given out. 

It has been said that this ceremony is to make berries increase during 
the summer, l)ut we find no evidence* to support such a view as in the 
prayers plenty of all things are asked, tobacco, meat, vegetables, berries, 
clothing, horses, children, long life, success in all undertakings, etc. About 
the only distinctive feature we have observed, is the specific prayer for pro- 
tection against death by lightning. 

Occasionally, a man may own two or more pipe bundles at the same 
time. In such a case he opens one on each succeeding day after the initial 
opening until all have been so handled. 

In preparation for the thunder ceremony it is usual to open the bundle 
once during the winter, that an adecjtiate supply of tobacco may be placed 
within. One or two of the well-known rolls of Hudson Bay tobacco are 
broken up and distributed in the bird and animal skin pouches kept in the 
buiidlc. As these openings of the bundle cost the owner a nice sum in the 
wa\ of food and gifts, he usually takes advantage of its opening for a vow 
to renew the tobacco, thus dispensing with the regular winter ceremony. 
At this and all other ceremonies, berry soup is distributed. Tobacco may 
be given out at any time, but is made a special feature of the thunder cere- 
mony. 

As a discussion of the transfer belongs logically under a ditten-nt head, 
it remains to consider the vow to have a pipe bundle opened. An indi- 
vidual in dire distress due to illness in the family or to other causes, may vow 
in the name of the .sun, or other great powers, that if help or relief comes, 
he will dance with a medicine-pipe. If the request is granted, some time 
after, he gets together a number of quilts, blankets, etc., takes them to the 
tipi of a pipe owner and lays them down by the pipe bundle. This is the 
formal announcement to the owner and the ceremony takes place as soon 
thereafter as possible. The ritual proceeds as usual until the pipe is out. 
Then the face and hands of the supplicant are painted and the smudge used 
with him. This is done to the supplicant's wife also. There are now four 
chief characters; the owner and his wife, tlic supplicant and his wife. 
The owner takes the hand of the supplicant; the owner's wife takes the hand 
of the woman." They hold the hands of each over the smudge four times. 
The supplicant is then given the pipe and the four dance around the tipi 
facing in turn the four directions and passing the pipe from one to the other. 
When the circuit is made, this fulfills the-vow. A gift of one or two horses 



> In case a woman makes the vow, the position is reversed, she receiving? the pipe at 
the beginninK of the dance. 



1912.] Wisder, Blackjool Bundles. 149 

must be made to the owner and other property distributed among those 
present as a show of gratitude. 

While the above is the usual form for the vow, the ceremony has been 
performed without waiting for the result. This haste is not looked upon, 
however, with full approval. 

In this connection the following account by the owner of a particular 
pipe bundle may be of interest: — 

A person making a vow goes to the pipe owner and prouu'ses to give a 
feast if he will pray for the recovery of a sick relative. As soon as the person 
who has been ill becomes well he and the one making the vow go to the home 
of the pipe owner who immediately issues invitations to old medicine-pipe 
owners to come to the feast. As soon as they are all assembled, a blanket 
is spread on the ground near the rear of the tipi, where the pipe is to be 
placed after it has been opened. Four drums are also placed on another 
blanket. The man who is to open the pipe bundle sits in the rear at the 
right of the tipi, the pipe still remaining hanging. 

First they pray over and eat the berry soup which is given them by 
the man making the vow. The pipe owner then takes the smudge stick and 
after chewing some pine needles, spits on the smudge stick and hands it to 
another man who is to get a live coal with it. The man gets the coal and 
starting from the north of the fire, passes around to the left of it to the 
smudge. He then takes a few of the pine needles in one hand and holding 
them over head, sings: "The above is powerful, help me. The ground is 
powerful." The pine needles are now placed on the \i\e coal. There are 
seven opening songs the words of which are similar to the one quoted. 

Another smudge is made and the song refers to the wife of the pipe owner 
when she rises to take down the pipe and places it on the ground. While 
the woman is unfastening the cords by which the pipe hangs on the wall, 
the men sing for her: "She is holy, rising: She is holy, standing. Untie 
me, I am powerful." At the last word the woman takes the pipe bundle 
in her arms and remains standing with it. Another song follows : " Where 
I sit is holy." The woman makes four passes with the pipe over the smudge 
and places it on the blanket which is to the west of the smudge at the rear 
of the tipi. She sits down near the bundle a little to the left of it. 

A song referring to the shawl covering of the pipe is sung: "Its robe I 
take it. It is powerful." Upon this the shawl is removed and placed 
under the pipe bundle. The songs which follow, all of which are connected 
with the opening of the bundle, refer to the antelope and to the buckskin 
string with which the bundle is tied, to the elk robe which is used as a wrap- 
ping for the pipe, to the bearskin which is used as a cover, and to the buffalo. 



l')() Anthropological Papers American Museum of Xuliiral History. [\o\. \\l, 

Tlu' words for this last song are: "Buttalo I have taken. They are power- 
ful." There is still another song when the coverings are off the pipe, but 
as a calico covering still remains, the man takes the pipe and holds first one 
end and then the other over the smudge, then alternately in his left and his 
right arm and then as he would hold a child. A song relating to the remov- 
ing of the co\er from the j)ipe is sung. As a ribbon is tied at either end of 
the pipe, it is first untied and each end held over the smudge. The sack- 
shaped i)iece of cloth is pulled of\ the pipe and while another song is sung the 
calico wrapped around the pipestem is removed. The words of this song 
are: " You are going to see my pipe. It is holy." Now the pipe is placed 
on its coverings. A smudge is made and a song sung; "Men, women, and 
children will see your body arise. They will know that your body is holy." 
The man then takes up the pipe and, shaking it four times, makes one pass 
towards the smudge with it and returns it to its place. 

The man takes up one of the drums and first chewing some pine needles, 
spits on his hands, and then rubs them all around the frame of the drum. 
He holds the drum over the smudge place, and strikes the southeast corner 
of it, and then repeats the same movements on the southwest, northwest, 
and northeast corners of the smudge place. Still holding the drum he calls 
on two men to tell two wur deeds each. After each tale he strikes the drum 
and after all have been told he hands the drums to those who are to use 
them. This is to give them the right to use the drum. 

The men sing and drum and the pipe-man takes the whistle and, after 
chewing some pine needles, he spits on his hands, rubs the whistle and hands 
it to one of the men who rises and dances with it. As he is sitting on the 
right near the rear of the tipi, he dances in one place and when the singing 
and drumming cease, he blows his whistle to the east, south, west, and to 
the north, moving to the north of the fireplace and dancing there. He 
repeats the same movements as before, dancing near the door and south 
of the fireplace. He returns the w^histle to its place and takes his seat. 
The pipe owner rises and dances with his pipe, the singers ceasing four 
times before he returns to his place. As the singing ceases he rests, and when 
it begins again, he continues to dance. When he gets to his place, he hands 
the pipe to his wife; she takes and prays to it and then makes a pass over 
the smudge with it and puts it down. 

There is another mouthpiece which is used when the medicine-pipe is 
smcjked as the true mouthpiece is not used. At the next dance one man rises 
and dances with this mouthpiece and a rattle belonging to the bundle. 
This is followed by another dance and song and one rises and dances with 
the smudge stick and the bag of .sweet pine needles. Another .song, and they 
dance with the owl, holding it as a child. Then a song and a dance is gone 
through for ca<li of the following: the loon, the antelope bag belonging 



1912.] Wisshi; Rlackfnol Bundles. 151 

to the pipe bundle, the duck. The next song is for the bearskin, but the 
man dances around without the hide. 

The person for whom the vow was made now has his face painted for 
which he pays two or three blankets and some money. ^ The owner stands 
up with his pipe and rubs some pine needles over it, next to him stands the 
man who has been sick, then the pipe owner's wife, and the sick man's 
wife. They all stand to the northwest of the fireplace, and dance in a row, 
first facing the wall, then towards the center, and then all move to the 
northeast of the fire and the man who was sick takes the pipe and dances 
with it. The four then face the wall and then the center, move to the south- 
east of the fire and then the owner's wife dances with the pipe. Then they 
move to the southwest and the sick man's wife takes the pipe and after 
dancing with it prays that they may all live long, and succeed in all their 
undertakings. As her prayer ends all present make "the receiving sign" 
(p. 247) and pray for what they wish. Before they begin to dance the man 
who was sick presents blankets, and sometimes yards and yards of calico 
which are spread on the ground where they dance. After the dancing is 
over they are given to the owner of the pipe. The blanket in which the 
pipe bundle was placed is also provided by the man for whom the vow was 
made. Sometimes the pipe owner receives a horse as a fee. This ends the 
ceremony. When all the guests have left, the pipe owner and his wife WTap 
up the pipe as it was before. 

These special ceremonies serve to reveal in part, at least, the functions 
of the pipe bundle. It furnishes the occasion for receiving the benefits 
of special prayers to the thunder and the means of fulfilling vows assumed 
to have warded off grave dangers. In so far the bundle, though owned by a 
single individual, had a public function not restricted to given bands, social 
classes or distinctions. All have equal access to its powers in time of need. 
This form of pipe seems to have had little more to do with war than with 
the other phases of daily life. A man, could, however, register a vow that 
if successful on a raid or in a fight, he would dance with a pipe and proceed 
with its fulfillment in due time. Occasionally, the owner carried the un- 
opened bvmdle to war.^ It is narrated that about the year 1881 a famous 
Assiniboine named White-dog was killed by the Piegan without loss to 
themselves because in the attack one of the party carried a pipe bundle 
extended toward the victim. This was primarilj' to overcome the great 

1 The designs are in red, a dot on eacli cheelt, a horizontal line from each corner of the 
mouth with a pair of short vertical cross lines, an analogous mark on the forehead and a 
mark down the nose. The stylo bears some resemblance to Dakota painting in the himka 
ceremony. 

- According to one informant a pipe was sometimes unwrapped on the warpath, when 
the owner filled his mouth with water and expelled it over the stem and decorations, to pro- 
duce rain or fog to mask his movements. 



152 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. VII, 

metlicine powers White-dog was believed to possess and his easy death 
naturally demonstrated the superior power of the pipe bundle. Returning 
to the point at issue, it appears that while the public has some interest in 
maintaining the pipe bundle and in theory receives benefits from the same, 
its chief function seems to be the protection of its owner and the enhance- 
ment of his social and religious position among the people. 

The Owner. The owner of a pipe bundle is spoken of as a medicine-pipe 
man (nina'mpskan kwe'niman, usually contracted to ninu'mpskan). The 
name also applies after the ritual has been transferred, though in speaking, 
the phrase construction when possible is in the past tense, thus distinguish- 
ing between the real and the ex-owner. The ex-pipe-man may be called 
in to officiate at the opening of the bundle and may also receive a bundle 
into his tipi for temporary care during the incapacity of the owner; but na 
other person can lead the ceremony no matter how familiar he may be with 
the ritual. A pipe-man receives great social, religious, and even political 
recognition, being regarded as of the first rank and entitled to the first 
seat in a tipi: i. e., opposite the man of the household. As this is disputed 
by the owners of beaver bundles, a question to be considered later, we may 
safely assert that he is among the highest ranks in respect to the ownership 
of rituals. The wife of a pipe-man should be honored and given a seat 
not lower than that of the head-wife of her host. If possible, everyone is 
expected to pass behinfl a pipe-man whether in a tipi or on the road. In 
theory at least, the same rules should be observed toward his wife. All 
loud and boisterous conversation should be restrained in their presence. 
If in the chase one should kill game in front of a pipe-man, the best of the 
meat goes to him. The pipe-men were also entitled to the best cuts from 
the buffalo drive. While he is running buffalo no one should cross his 
tracks lest the horse stumble and fall. Naturally, pipe-men are called 
upon to perform certain important functions, as selecting the camp sites 
for the sun dance, leading the band when moving camp, sitting in councils, 
offering prayers, etc. Some observers have considered these men as consti- 
tuting a society but this is scarcely admissible for they are not so regarded 
by their people and while they have certain bonds of sympathy, they neither 
meet in a body nor have ceremonies of any kind in common. On the other 
hand, some of the societies to be discussed later had medicine-pipes, in which 
case the owners were members, a circumstance no doubt contrii)uting to 
the confusion.^ 

' McCllntock speaks of the bundle owners as a society (251), but we And no traces of 
an organization. In his account of tlie forced transfer, McOlintock speaks of the party as 
compos«'d of pipt'-nien, or members of the society. Our informants have incidentally stated 
that in tliis procf.ssion and its ceremonies, the cliief parts were assigned to certain men be- 
cause of ref|ui.sitt! war deeds, regardless of their liaving owned a pipe bundle. Tlio name 
mcdicine-pipc men, applies only to those who now own or have owned pipe bun<lie,s. Tims 
the owners, in a sense, constitute a class, but are not organized. 



1912.] Wissler, Blackjool Bundles. 153 

The owner of a buiidle must observe certain prohibitions more or less 
troublesome in his daily routine. Among these, he must never point at a 
person with the fingers but with the thumb : to use the finger would endanger 
the life of the one so designated. He must not loan any of his personal 
property. If a person asks such a favor, he makes no reply whatever. 
In such cases, it is usual for the borrower to take what he wants if he can 
find it. As the ow^ner cannot ask for the return nor send for objects so 
taken, he is entirely dependent upon the good will and honesty of his 
neighbors. If he finds an object when walking or riding, he must not pick 
it up or allow it to be appropriated to his own use. He may call another 
and allow him to take it. If, however, he has four coups to his record, he 
may take the object after recounting them to the sun and singing certain 
songs. In smoking, he must take the pipe in the same hand and hold it 
in the same way as the person passing it to him. (The pipe-men themselves 
have a special wa}^ of holding the pipe at all times when passing it, p. 164.) 
In formal smoking, the pipe is passed down the circle once and then returned 
to the leader, but a pipe-man may smoke it every time it passes. If he does 
not smoke he must hold tlie end of the stem to his breast at his turn instead 
of passing it on as others may do. No one must sit on his bed or bedding 
as misfortune will come to him. The horse that carries the pipe bundle 
when camp is moved has his face painted like the owner and a stripe over 
the .shoulders and rump. After having borne the pipe bundle once, meat 
must never be placed in his load, lest he meet wdth an accident. On the 
march, the owner must permit no one to pass in front of him. No weapons 
can be carried on the horse or other conveyance wuth the pipe bundle. All 
pipe-men have a fear of dogs."- There are other restrictions but these are 
probably sufficient for our purpose. It will be observed that many of these 
apply to others as well as the owner, it being the duty of all, old and young, 
to inform themselves of the requirements of the \arious rituals and to 
respect them accordingly. 

The home of the pipe bundle is its owner's tipi and its constant care 
brings no small responsibility to himself and his wife, but especially to the 
latter. During the day, the bundle is kept outside. It may be hung just 
above the door of the tipi, a special attachment being provided for that 
purpose. In most cases, however, it is hung from a tripod set up in the 
rear of the tipi. Each morning the woman makes a smudge of sweet pine 
and carries the bundle and tripod out turning to the south and passing 
around to the rear of the tipi where the tripod is put into position.- In all 

1 See myth. Vol. 2, p. 90. 

' The smudge places, or altars, while varying somewhat are cither rectangular or square. 
The siu-face is removed to a depth of about four inches and loose earth deposited outside 
at the rear along the base of the tipi. The smudge is made at the center. On the loft side 
are placed long tongs made from a forked branch of cherry, used in lifting coals of fire to the 
smudge place; on the right is a pouch containing needles of the sweet pine. For some pipes 
the surface of the smudge place is sprinkled with colored eartlis, but usually it is plain, with 
a smaUer rectangle traced around the center. 



l.")4 Aulhropoloffical Papers American Muaeum of Natural History. [\o\. MI, 

inovfineiits and placiiijjs, the end of the buncUe containing the mouthpiece 
of tlie stem must point toward the nortli. The woman returns to the tipi 
hy the south side. At sunset, she again makes the smudge in which she 
hohls her hands as before, tlien passes around by the north side and retraces 
her steps with the bundle. Thus the bundle has made the entire circuit, 
the usual ceremonial sun-wise movement, and theoretically, should be 
outside from the moment the sun rises until it sets. During rain or con- 
tinued cloudiness it is kept within doors. A few bundles are placed on the 
door in the forenoon and then in the rear during the afternoon. In the tipi, 
the tripod with the bundle is leaned against the back of the tipi between the 
backrests. It is always kept well above the ground at all times. We may 
note, also, that for some bundles the tripods are not set up outside, but 
leaned against the back of the tipi. Hung up with the true bundle are the 
other accessories previously described and over all is thrown a robe, formerly 
a buffalo robe, but now a costly shawl or steamer rug. 

In no case must the bundle touch the ground. The name for I)ear nuist 
never be uttered in the tipi nor in the immediate presence of the bundle 
(p. 164). He may be spoken of as the "unmentionable one," "that big 
hairy one," or any other designation. Should one make a mistake, a smudge 
of sweet pine must be made immediately and in most cases prayers offered 
for pardon. Even children are expected to know and observe this prohi- 
bition. The occupants of the tipi must be very slow to answer or respond 
to a shout from the outside as it is proper for the caller to enter before 
speaking. 

When the tipi is moved to another place, as formerly in the making and 
breaking of camp, consideration must be given the pipe bundle. The signal 
for breaking camp and the selection of a new site are theoretically functions 
of the leader of the band or division, as the case may be; but, if lie is not a 
pipe-man, he leaves it to the owner of such a bundle to act for him, or at 
least to promulgate his decisions. Thus, when it has been decided that the 
camp is to break, the bundle is taken some distance from the tipi and the 
tripod so adjusted that the forward leg extends in the direction to be taken. 
Thus everyone may know what to expect. For a short period at the start, 
the owner and his wife sit on a robe in front of the tripod, facing the direction 
to be taken. Formerly, a special travois, saddle, and other trappings were 
kei)t painted red and reserved for the exclusive transportation of the bundle. 
The horse was paintetl as previously stated, and ridden l)y the owner's wife. 
The bundle was carried on the travois, the tripod tied up against the poles, 
."sometimes songs were sung and prayers offered at starting and while on 
tin' journcN, l)iit these can scarcely be considered peculiar to this bundle. 
On the march the owner, or owners, rode in the lead, usually innnediately 



1012.) Wissler, Blnckfool Bundles. 155 

followed by their wives with the hiiiuiles. Likewise, the new camp site 
was usually designated by setting up the tripods with their bundles. The 
native partisans of the pipe bundle argue that it is the oldest and most 
important ritual because it is closely associated with the making of camp 
and some observers have considered this as one of its important functions. 
This we believe to be an error, for the data we have indicate that in so far 
as these moving ceremonies are peculiar to this ritual, they come under the 
head of the care of the bundle rather than otherwise. 

The ordinary sweat house is used with the medicine-pipe. The hole 
is triangular and is said to represent the heart of a buffalo. Sometimes 
the hole is heart-shaped. No fixed number of stones is required. The 
dirt from the hole is placed on the west side. Sweet pine needles are used 
for the smudge. The pipe bundle is laid on top of the house. A buffalo 
skull is laid on top of the house. A buffalo skull is painted as at the sun 
dance hundred willow sweat house and placed at the west side. Sixteen 
songs are sung in four sets, one during each of the four closed periods. 
There are medicine-pipe songs and buffalo songs. A smudge is made near 
the rear before the stones are brought in. The first four stones are placed 
outside the hole forming a rectangle and the fifth in the center of the hole, 
after which a smudge is made upon it. A common pipe is handed in; one 
of the men takes it, offers a few prayers and hands it to another to light and 
smoke. When burned out, it is passed outside and placed on the ground 
to the west with the stem toward the north. Those who own pipe bundles, 
or have owned them, pass their clothes out at the west side and also emerge 
there. 

The Transfer. The transfer of a bundle of any kind is spoken of as a 
purchase or sale, though this refers especially' to the exchange of property 
that takes place at that time. A man may proceed to purchase a pipe bundle 
in one of several wa3's. He may be ambitious to become a pipe-man and 
canvass among the present owners of bundles until he finds one willing to 
sell to him. This may take years or a day, as opportunity offers. He may 
make a aow in time of great need that if he comes through safely, he will 
buy a pipe bundle. Such appeals are usually made to the sun. The vow 
usually names a particular bundle and is registered before witnesses. In 
such cases, the owner has no option, to sell being imperative. Again, the 
owner of a bundle may force the purchase upon anyone he chooses, regard- 
less of the purchaser's wishes. While in the transfer ceremony the bundle 
is opened and the ritual given, there are certain forms of procedure peculiar 
to the occasion, seemingly of consideral)le ethnological importance. ^ 

1 McClintock (252) gives an impression tliat tlie pipe was transferred every four years. 
This is not tiie practice now and seems to have applied only to the pipes owned by certain 
societies that sold out after four years. 



l')!! Anlhropohgiail Papers Avierican Museum of Natural History. [Vol. VII» 

Wlicn 11 vow is to he lulfillcd, the purchaser gathers together as many 
horses and blankets as possible. This may take some time but when all is 
ready he fills an ordinary pipe, goes to the tipi where the bundle is kept, 
offers the owner a smoke, and formally announces his promise to the sun 
and intention to purchase the bundle. At the same time, he makes gifts 
of blankets or even horses as evidence of his resources and good intentions. 
As the owner has no option in face of a vow^ to the sun, he is passive. The 
purchaser then returns to his tipi and after a time sends over a horse and 
seven blankets. The latter are to cover the sweat house which is prepared 
at the instance of the purchaser. When this is read}', the owner and the 
purchaser enter together with a third pipe-man, usually called in to officiate 
in the transfer. During the ceremony in the sw^eat house, the pipe bundle 
is often placed on top. From the sweat house all go directly to the owner's 
tipi where the ceremony begins. About this time, the owner makes a formal 
announcement of the amount of property he gave for the pipe bundle as a 
hint to the purchaser, but he must be content with w^hatever is given, be it 
much or little. 

In the forced purchase, the owner calls in his friends secretly and an- 
nounces his intention of selling his bundle. He decides upon one or more, 
choosing those having mucli property. In former times, he selected a man 
owning a fine swift horse in the liope that it would be included among the 
gifts (see p. 164). During the night, the pipe bundle is opened and a 
scout sent out to report on the victim. If the scout finds him sleeping, he 
takes out a tipi pin and a stake, according to the belief that this will make 
him sleep soundly. I'pon a favorable report, the owner and his party 
take up the pipe, the owl skins, and the whistle, bearing them to the bed- 
side of their victim.^ Here they set up shouting some holding him, while 
others touch his shoulders and head with the pipe, etc. As they express it, 
he is now "caught with the pipe" and must not resist. To do so means 
ill luck and o\ eiitually death. Should he escape before being touched with 
the pi])!' and chKlc his pursuers, he need not purchase. When caught he is 
at once seated on a robe and retjuired to hold the pipe in his hands. The 
crowd takes up the rol)e and bears him to the owner's tipi. On the way, 
they make four stops to sing the appropriate songs. He is set down in the 
owner's tipi and painted as previously described. His wife is brought over 



' A Picnaii, nanu'd Miul-lu'iid. to whom tliis was read commciilcd as follows: — The 
scout is sfleelwl for his war rocord and iiood never have been a pipe owner. He counts four 
<h'eds and tiien .sets out. He brings bacit a stake and a pin, howling like a coyote as he 
approaches the owner's tipi. A smudge is made before the scout cames inside. After he 
reports, the slake and pin are painted red. pine needles chewed and spit upon them, to induce 
.sounrl sleep in their victim. When they set out with the pipe, one who has entered an enemy's 
ti[)i must lead with tlie pipe anrl bo the first to go in. He nend not be a pipo-man. 



1912.] Wisslcr, Blackfoot Bumlles. 157 

by the women and painted hy the owner's wife. The owner then puts 
them to bed laying each down with four movements, puts the pipe between 
them, covers them with a robe and chewing sweet pine needles, spits upon 
the bed. The victim and his wife must not move until morning. 

In the morning, the owner goes to the bed and sings a song, (" you get 
up — we smoke") then spits sweet pine over them four times and assists 
them to rise. This should be repeated for four nights, but is often greatly 
abbreviated. 

The chief difference between this and other transfers is to be found in 
the preliminary ceremonies, for when once in the owner's tipi and the bundle 
opened, the proceeding is the same for all cases. However, at the close 
of the fourth day in the transfer wdien the bundle is wrapped up for the first 
time, a special ceremony may be noted. A man with a war record is called 
in to officiate. The purchaser and his wife rest on their knees facing the 
pipe, while he takes it up, recounts four deeds and then holds the pipe to 
their backs. He receives a horse for this service. The bundle is then 
wrapped and taken outside to be hung on the tripod, but before actually 
hung four more deeds are counted for which another horse is required. 
This closes the formal transfer. 

There remains an interesting procedure the significance of which is by 
no means clear. The idea seems to be that in becoming a pipe-man the 
purchaser gives up all his rights to perform even the ordinary functions of 
life. We must understand that many of the industrial arts as well as cere- 
monial acts among these people were restricted so that a transfer of right 
to perform the same was necessary, this being little more than an extreme 
application of the transfer conception of power previously discussed. Thus 
when the owner is aroused in the morning after having been put to bed with 
the pipe, he must do nothing for himself. His food is brought, cut, and the 
first four bits placed in his mouth, after which he may eat slowly leaving 
nothing on the plate. Water is given in the same manner. If he must 
leave the tipi, he is conducted by the officiating pipe-man. His wife is 
cared for by the officiator's wife. This continues during the four days or 
until the bundle is wrapped. Further, he may not take any other kinds of 
food until having the right conferred by a pipe-man and with all food must 
be very moderate and cautious. We observed a young visiting Indian and 
his father as guests in a tipi. When food was set out the elder admonished 
his son that as he was now a pipe-man the right to eat some of the food had 
not been conferred upon him and that he must still be helped and pass most 
of the dishes with a mere taste. At the transfer, the purchaser is stripped 
of his clothes and provided with others at the hands of the owner. He is 
dressed by a pipe-man who confers the right to put on and to wear clothes. 



l.)S Anthroixtldyicdl Papers American Museum of Xahiml Histonj. \\o\. VII, 

A n)l)f, painted red fiom tlu- ^irdli' u]) and an eagle's foot in each lower 
corner, is likewise conferred. The wife is similarly eared for hy the officiat- 
ing women. The first steps in walking, running, leaping, stepping over 
holes in the road, over dogs, shooting, butchering, bathing, etc. must be 
conferred. In all such there are songs to which four initial movements are 
made. The rope and the wliip in the pipe l)undle outfit are to be used only 
when the right to mount and ri(i( are conferred; sliould they be used other- 
wise, the horse will go lame or throw his rider. Thus, a Piegan pipe-man 
said tiiat when recently conferring these rights on a i)ure]iaser he forgot the 
gallop and upon his very first ride to the agency, the purchaser's horse 
became so lame in the hips that he was abandoned on the road. While 
these procedures apply in theory, at least, to every act, special stress is laid 
upon eating and riding; hence the whip and l)owl in the accessories to the 
l)un(llc. 

Some observers see an initiation in this. We have discussed this point 
at some length with various pipe-men, the result being our opinion that the 
only idea now entertained is that these are of the same class as the other 
restrictions imposed by the bundle, all to be considered as sacrifices. Yet 
perhaps first in the minds of all is the knowledge that such transactions are 
a source of large fees to pipe-men. If this is set down as an initiation it 
must he taken as an integral part of all transfer proceedings. 

.\ woman cannot own a pipe-bundle; but if the wife of an owner she has 
a definite relation to it as has been indicated throughout the preceding 
discussion. Also, any woman as well as any man may definitely own some 
minor object in the bundle, as the owl skin, the whistle, etc., but not the pipe. 
Such an object remains in the bundle, but its owner is present at the cere- 
mony and dances with it at the proper place in the ritual. When the bundle 
is transferred, the ownership may be retained or transferred by the proper 
payments. Objects not in the bundle as the whip, rope, smudge stick, 
bowl, and drum may be sold and carried away by the purchaser. The 
owner of tlic bundle replaces them with certain simple ceremonies. All 
such purchases are analogous to the purchase of the whole bundle, prompted 
l)y a dream, religious zeal, or the result of a vow and consiunmated in a 
simple but similar manner. 

Varieties of Bundles. To axoid confusion in future iii\t>stigation and in 
reading Blackfoot literature, it seems well to make clear that there are 
several varieties of pipe l)undles. In general, it may be said that the pipe- 
men were the owners of bundles of the type we have just described of which 
there are a numl)er among each division. As a rule, each bundle has some 
minor individualities that serve as distinctions, but the ritual is in all 
essential features the same. A bundle similar to this type and generally 



1912.] 



Wissln; lUackfool Bundles. 



159 



considered as of its class is, howcNcr, said to he I'uiidaiiu'iitally diUVrent in 
its ritual. It is spoken of as the " eastern pipe " and regarded as very old. 

Two special pipes were owned by members of the catchers society, 
which are still regarded as very powerful medicines. They are spoken of 
as the black-covered-pipes. The stems are said to be covered with eagle 
plumes and decorated with four hanging bunches of eagle tail feathers. 





^itW'^ 



Fig. 23. The Black-covered Pipe Bundle and the Pipe it Coiitain.s, from a drawing 
by Tom Kiyo. 



The bundle is small and instead of being hung on a tripod is fastened to the 
end of a tipi pole. (Fig. 23.) The mode of transfer diifcrs from that of 
the regular pipe. 

There is a small pipe among the Blood, regarded as very powerful in 
war. It has four songs, one of which is a typical medicine-pipe song while 
the others are quite different. In the presence of the enemy this pipe was 
smoked by the party carrying it, the songs sung, and the pipe tied in the 
owner's hair."^ The first Blood to own it, received it by transfer from a 
North Blackfoot. Recently (1903) it changed hands for six horses and other 
property. 



The interesting point in this connection is that the Dakota had similar pipes for the 
purpose. 



160 



Anthropoloffical Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. VII, 



Another small pipe recently transferred to a Piegan l)y a Blood is about 
twelve inches long with the fan of feathers and other decorations in corre- 
sponding scale. It is kept in a cylindrical rawhide case.^ A headdress of 
white buffalo is used with it and in battle the owner tied the unwrapped pipe 
crosswise on this headdress. The ritual has but two songs. This bundle 
seems to be a war medicine. 

The collection contains a small pipe bundle in a poke of blue cloth. The 
stem is divided into three sections by two broad beaded bands. The 
foundations of those sections are fringes of white weasel and at each end 




FiR 24 rr>0.1-l()7S). A IM 



are bunches of eagle tail feathers and bells. Two ducks, two feathers, and 
a paint bag were with the bundle. This, also, seems to have been a war pipe. 

An unusual pipe is shown in Fig. 24. On its middle is the head of a duck. 
It bears pendants of feathers and hair. No information was secured. 

One pipe bundle is attributed to the Arapaho, or the "Southern Gros 
Ventre" in Blackfoot nomenclature. The following is from Mr. Duvall's 
notes: — 

The 'Southern Gros Ventre' (Arapaho) medicine-pipe has seven songs 
that really belong to it. Three-bears says that there are eight songs. 



1912.] Wissin; Hlarkf„„i liinullrx. 161 

Shorty says that many of tlic real lucchciiu'-piiH' son<;s wcrr added afterwards. 
The pipe known as the old inecUcine-pipe which we still have, is supposed 
to be the one given by the thunder bird. It is said to be \'ery old and power- 
ful. Once, Black-coming-over-the-hill, who owned the pipe then, had it 
with him while on the warpath with some other men. The war party, who 
were Piegan, were surrounded by the enemy while they were in a pit they 
liad dug. The enemy made a fire to burn the Piegan out of their pit. The 
man who owned the pipe, took it out of its wrappings and prayed. A 
heavy rainstorm came up and extinguished the fire, caused the enemy to 
run for shelter, and thus they made their escape through th(^ power of the 
medicine-pipe. 

New-Breast gives the following: — ^"The Southern Gros Ventre pipe 
had originally but a few songs. Some say but eight. Nowadays, the 
regular medicine-pipe songs have been added. Its transfer is somewhat 
different, however. It is opened sometimes during the camp circle and 
while the owner dances along with the stem, others dance behind in single 
file. This pipe is said to have come from the Arapaho many years ago and 
to have been owned by Piegan ever since. It was transferred a few days 
ago from James-big-top to Three-calf, White-grass officiating. They first 
made a sweat house for which ceremony Three-calf gave a good horse. 
Later on the same day the bundle was transferred, Three-calf giving several 
horses, a saddle, a gun, a pile of quilts and blankets. A steer was killed, 
half of which was served as the feast. The other half was kept to use in 
the ceremony giving him the right to butcher (p. 138) and went as a fee to 
the officiator. Four drums were used and two men each recounted two war 
deeds before the drums were sounded." 

"Another medicine-pipe, known as the otter-carrying-strap came from 
the Sarsi and is very different from other medicine-pipes. It was used 
more in war than otherwise. The owner of this medicine-pipe always took 
the lead when on the warpath or when trying to overtake the enemy. This 
pipe was used when the Piegan killed the Assiniboine chief, White-dog, 
near the Sweet (Trass Hills. While the Piegan war party was on White- 
dog's trail, the man who carried the medicine-pipe made medicine with it. 
As White-dog had a good start with the stolen horses the Piegan despaired 
of overtaking him, but through the power of the medicine-pipe they did, and 
killed him. This pipe was not in a bundle like the others but was wrapped 
in some cloth and had a cover of red flannel and a carrying strap of otter- 
skin with brass buttons sewed to it. The stem had four songs different 
from other medicine-pipes. They also sang the real medicine-pipe songs. 
On one end of it was a small buckskin bag of medicine to be used in doctoring 
a tired horse. On the other end hung a bunch of feathers. It is said that a 
Sarsi got this pipe from the buiValo through a dream. The pipe was buried 



162 Anlhropologicnl Papers American Museum of Natural Uislory. [\o\. \\l, 

witli its owner, Sitting-c-urlcd-around-wcascl, many years ago, and was 
never made up again." 

Anotlier bundle was said to contain a medicine-pipe stem, two ordinary 
pipes, a loon, an owl, a deerskin, a muskrat, a cap of goatskin, a whistle, 
a rattle, some ducks, a wildcat, and many birds. In its ritual there were 
seven songs for each of the following: the smudge, undoing the bundle, 
the pipe, the cap, the buffalo, the owl, the loon, the antelope, the muskrat, 
white swan, the ducks, the shell necklace, the horse, and the bear. 

There was another very powerful medicine-pipe ow-ned by Little-antelope. 
The owner carried it with him when on the warpath. He could foretell 
when they were about to meet the enemy. One time when the owner was 
going along with his men he suddenly stopped and told them to lie down as 
the enemy was near. They all lay down and not long after two Snake 
Indians came up. The Snake did not see the Piegan and rode right up to 
them. The Piegan killed them and took their guns. The pipe had four 
birds tied to the stem, and feathers hanging from it. Near the mouthpiece 
was fastened a bunch of owl feathers. This pipe is also lost. It is thought 
one of its owners was killed with it. It was described as having four birds' 
heads fastened along the top, while a row of feathers hung from l)elow. 

Pipe Lore. Many interesting tales are told of particular pipes and of 
these a sample or two may not come amiss. It is said of one rather dis- 
tinguished pipe-man that many years ago he had a dream in which he w^as 
ordi-red to purchase a certain pipe. The transfer cost him thirty-seven good 
horses and other valuai)le property. After this he had another dream in 
which he was assured that since he had made so great a sacrifice he would 
always prosper as long as he kept it. 

A pii)e bundle came into the hands of a distinguished chief. After the 
transfer it was discovered that for many years its acquisition had been 
followed by the death of one or more of the purchaser's children. There- 
upon the chief, having no young children to die, decided to keep the pipe 
l)un(lle, but never permitted it to be opened. At his death a few years ago, 
a young man had it transferred to himself. 

Several years ago a Blood Indian was ordered in a dream to sell his 
bundle to a white man. So he set out to find a purchaser. His people were 
l)itterly opposed to this, but as it was a dream they had no grounds for open 
opj)osition. At last, an Indian approached the owner in the ceremonial 
way, making its transfer to himself ol)ligatory. Thus the Inindle was saved 
for the peoi)le. 

Oriffiii.s. We may now give some attention to the historical origins of 
these bundles. The mythical origins are clearly reflected in the ritual and 



1912.] Wissler, BlackfnnI Bundla 163 

the narratives. While tliese are important in determining the funetions 
of the ceremony they cannot be taken as data for the historical origin. 
Unfortunately, this origin can be little more than inferred from comparative 
data. The matter of fact traditions are that the first bundle to come among 
the people was the original and the typical and that all such bundles not 
otherwise accounted for originated with it.^ Pipe bundles, and for that 
matter all others, may be constructed l)y an experienced pipe-man. He 
usually awaits a dream or other supernatural sanction. "Then he patiently 
gathers the materials at great personal expense. When all is ready he pro- 
ceeds with the dressing of the pipe and the preparation of the bundle. Each 
movement calls for prayers, songs, and offerings to give the bundle the true 
character. We received definite knowledge of but one bundle so constructed 
in recent years, all the others seem to be old. Naturally, it takes such a 
bundle many years to remove the general suspicion that all may not be 
right with it. Sometimes a bundle is buried with its owner in which case 
a pipe-man who has officiated at its ceremonies may reconstruct it for his 
own use and eventual transfer. 

There are traditions with certain pipes that they come from foreign 
lands. Thus it is said that one bundle was received from the Arapaho 
and with it came some new songs that have since become a part of the 
regular ritual.^ Another pipe known as the eastern pipe and different from 
the others, is attributed to a far southeastern tribe. In brief, a Piegan led 
a war party far to the southeast past many tribes they did not recognize. 
At last they visited a village. The chief took a fancy to the Piegan leader 
and presented him with this pipe bundle and taught him the ritual. This 
may be a myth but there are many circumstantial incidents to support it. 
So far, we have failed to secure the ritual for this pipe bundle. 

Some of the Piegan pipes were captured from the Gros Ventre but as 
these were in every respect similar to their own, the Piegan consider them 
as having been acquired from their own people, during the period when 
the two tribes were in close contact. Such a pipe was considered as the 
owner's and gave him a right to the ritual after the regular transfer ceremony 
at the hands of an experienced pipe-man, unless he was already such a man. 
It is said that a Piegan pipe was once captured by a Crow, to whom the 
ritual was later transferred by a visiting Blackfoot j)ipe-man. 

An aged Piegan states that he remembers a time when there were but 
three medicine-pipes among his people; the thunder pipe, the Southern 



1 The Blood claim one of their pipes as original as it is the only one whose origin is un- 
known in tradition. 

2 One very able Piegan claim.s that the whole ceremony came with one original pipe 
from the Southern Grcs Ventre (Arapaho) by transfer and that since that time pipe-men 
have added their dreams to the ritual, eventually producing the present type. 



ICil Antliroixilinjiail I'lipirs Ainiricdn Museum of Xalural Historij. [WA.Wl, 

Gros ^\'ntn• ])ij)c, and the white iiian's j)ii)i'.' Most of the pipes now owned 
came from the Blood and Xortliern Hhiekfoot. 

One must not expect much consistency among the Bhickfoot as to mytiii- 
cal origins for these l)undles, yet they are fairly agreed that the pipe proper 
was first handed down l>y the thunder Since that time, however, many 
pipes ha\e been given in (hvams by other beings and the usual assumption is 
that the primary bimdle originated with the thunder; the secondary, with 
the inunediate transmitter. Thus, we have a narrative recorded by Mr. 
Duvall which seems to account for many important secondary features: — 

A girl who liatl a bear for a lover would take foot! with her to give to the bear when 
she went into the brush for wood. Slie always went with another girl but the other 
girl did not know anything about this. Since she always took food with her when 
she went for wood, her mother grew suspicious of her. She followed her one day 
and saw her daughter playing with a bear. The girl and the bear did not see her so 
she went home and told her hu.sband what her daughter had been doing in the brush. 
When the girl came home, her father said to her, "Why do you have a bear lover 
when you could many some nice young man from the camps?" This made the girl 
feel very bad for she was very much in love with the bear and did not care to piu-t with 
him. She said to her father, "Why do you talk about the bear? I like him verj' 
much. The bear is going to give you a medicine-pipe." When the father heard this 
he was much pleased and .said no moic to the girl. 

After this, the girl made frequent visits to the bear. One day, the bear gave her 
a pipe bundle the outer covering of which was a bearskin. The bear taught the girl 
the use of the pipe and told her to give it to her father. The girl gave the pipe 
bimdle to her father and taught him the ceremony connected with it. That is why 
medicine-pipes have bearskin covers. This also allows the inedicine-pipe men to 
force anj'one to buy the pipe l)uiiille just as they do when a i)ipe bundle is forced on a 
man when he is asleej). 

The bear also told the giil that no one should sit in the father's place in the tipi, 
nor must anyone sit where a bear has been sitt ing. If anyone does this, he will have 
•sores or scabs on his buttocks. A medicin(>inaii must never sit on the bare groimd, 
if he should sit on the ground without a blanket or robe imder him he will have bad 
sores on his buttocks. That is why all medicine-pipe owners are afraid to do so 
nowadays. The word bear must never be mentioned in a tipi where there is a medi- 
i'ino-pipe btmdle, nor should th(> medicine-pipe man ever saj^ it. If anyone .should 
say the word the niedicine-jjipe ow ner will have bad dreams, or dreams of impending 
<langer. \ medicine-pipe owner must never walk in the tracks of a bear, if he does 
liis foot will be sore. Ever since the bear gave the pipe bundle they have used the 
hear .songs, and a bearskin has been u.sed for a cover. The reason why all medicine- 
j)ipe men hold a pipe with both hands when it is first handed to them is because the 
bear generally catches things with both i)aws. Even if a medicine-pij)e owner is 
handed a common pipe he gra.sps it with both hands and then smokes it. In handing 

' This pipe wa.s said to liave come from a white man by the name of Wolf-runniny; who 
lived witli tlie PieRan. He (jot it from some eastern trilje. At least, on his return from a 
jiMiriH'.v to the east he presi-nted tlu; pipe to a liead-man. The bundle contains in addition 
In II,. ii^iiiil -iiii.; jin iiiiii raitUiand the skin of a rooster. 



1012. 1 Wixslcr, Hliirkjonl Hiuullcs. 165 

liiai ;i pipe the .stfiu or iii()iitli|)i('ce is always poiiilcd lowanN him. Wliilr others 
may only smoke a pipe passed to them from the left, incilii'iiii'-i)ipe men may smoke 
one handed either from the left or the right . 

It is at least clear that the tluiiidrr ' and the hear with all the eereinoiiial 
concepts thereto form the Imh of this cerenioiiinl and to some extent offer 
a key to its interpretation. 

Comparafipc Notes. It has been reported that the Sarsi ha^■e pipe 
bundles of the precise Blackfoot type. The Gros Ventre at Fort Belknap 
are credited with several pipe bundles of which Kroeber found three, many 
others having been buried with their last owners.^ The vow of the sick to 
open the bundle, the description of the stems, the tripod support, the fear 
of dogs on the part of owners, the manner of wearing the hair, the wrappings 
of calico, all serve to identify these pipes with those of the Blackfoot. Ac- 
cording to some fragmentary information by Curtis,'^ one of the Gros Ventre 
pipes originated as a gift from the thunder, the other was said to have been 
purchased from the Northern Blackfoot. The writer saw one of these 
Inindles opened, the ceremony being generally like that of the Piegan. 

Mackenzie * describes a pipe ceremony among the Western Cree which 
agrees in the main with the more complete statements of Kane: — "I took 
an elaborate sketch of a pipe-stem carrier with his medicine pipe-stem. 
The pipe-stem carrier is elected every four years by the band of the whole 
tribe to which he belongs, and is not allowed to retain the distinction beyond 
that period, all being eligible for the situation who have sufficient means to 
pay for it. But the expense is considerable, as the new officer elect has to 
pay his predecessor for the emblems of his dignity, which frequently are 
valued at from fifteen to twenty horses. Should he not possess sufficient 
means, his friends usually make up the deficiency, otherwise the office 
would in many cases be declined. It is, however, compulsory upon the 
person elected to serve if he can pay. The official insignia of the pipe- 
stem carrier are numerous, consisting of a highly ornamental skin tent, in 
which he is always expected to reside; a bear's skin upon which the pipe- 
stem is to be exposed to view when any circumstance requires it to be taken 
out from its manifold coverings, in which it is usually wrapped up, such as a 
council of war, or a medicine pipe-stem dance, or on a quarrel taking place 
in the tribe, to settle which the medicine-man opens it for the adverse 
parties to smoke out of, — their superstitions leading them to fear a refusal 



1 Vol. 2. 89. 

= Vol. 1, 272. 

' Curtis, Vol. .'5, 122. 

< Mackenzie, ci. 



UK) AiithroiioliKjiidl I'd/urx Aincrican Musi mn nf XdtnrdI Hislory. [Vol. \'I1, 

of tht' reconciling,' ceremony, lest some caliimity should i)e inflicted on them 
by the Great Spirit for their presumption; — a medicine rattle, which is 
employed in their medicine dances, and a wooden bowl, from which the 
dignitary always takes his food, — this he always carried about his person, 
sometimes in his hand, and often on his head; — besides numerous small 
articles." ' 

"A pipe-stem carrier alwa^\s sits on the right side of his lodge as you 
enter, and it is considered a great mark of disrespect to him if you pass be- 
tween him and the fire, which always occupies the centre of the lodge. He 
must not condescend to cut his own meat, but it is always cut for him by one 
of his wives, of whom he usually has five or six, and placed in his medicine 
l)owl, which, as before said, he has always with him. One of the greatest 
inconveniences attached to the office, particularly to an Indian, Avho has 
always innumerable parasitical insects infesting his person, is, that the pipe- 
stem carrier dares not scratch his head without compromising his dignity, 
without the intervention of a stick, which he always carries for that purpose. 
The pipe-stem, enclosed in its wrappers, always hangs in a large bag, when 
they can procure it, of party-coloured woollen cloth, on the outside of the 
lodge, and is never taken inside either by night or by day, nor allowed to be 
uncovered when any woman is present." - 

Acconi]);myiiig this description is a sketch of the Cree chief holding up 
the decorated pipestem. It appears from the text that this Indian had in 
his tipi eleven pipe l)undles, most of which liad been borrowed for a war 
expedition. Excepting the restrictions as to women and the four year 
transfer, these quotations and the further descriptions of Kane hold for the 
Blackfoot. We have previously noted contradictory statements of Black- 
foot informants, some holding that the pipe should l)e transferred every 
four years; thus, what appears contradictory may be due to two kinds of 
pipe bundles, or to the knowledge that those obtained from the Cree carried 
with them such ol)ligations. 

\\ e lia\-e not found evidence of sucli pipe bundles among the Assini- 
boine. The writer obserxcd a bundle of the Blackfoot type in the hands of 
a medicineman from that tribe at Fort Belknap; but this may have been 
acquired from the (bos Wutre. 

For the Teton we lia\c an inf,'i-<-st ing pipe described l)y ( lark ' as having 
l)eeii presented l>y a woman, apparently the only pipe buiulle owned in the 
tribe. I'n.in the ( iirtis photograph it appears that the bundle is hung from 



' Kane, .iOT. 
' Kane, 399. 

> Clark, 89: al.so Dorsey. (a), :}2<>; Wisslcr, (h), 202. In -ionv? particulars there is a 
corn'spoiidiTici- bftween tlicsL- niytlis and a Blood account, Vol. 2, 90. 



1912.] Wissler, Blackjool Bundles. 1()7 

a tripod in the Hlackfoot fashion; in one account the woman and the pipe 
were carried on a blanket. The bundle is in the hands of a single individual. 
On the whole, what meager information we have of it, strongly suggests the 
Blackfoot type. 

The Arapaho have a pipe, known as the " Hat pipe" ^ which holds a place 
analogous to the Teton pipe. There is here a considerable bundle, supported 
by four sticks (like the tripod of the Blackfoot). The pipe is described as a 
very plain ordinary affair, but bearing many wrappings of cloth. As among 
the Cree, the owner, or keeper, has a special decorated tent. In Curtis' 
notes on the Teton pipe there is an implied relation to the sun dance, and 
with the Arapaho this pipe and its keeper play an important role, being 
intimately connected with the tribal origin myth. The Gros Ventre also had 
a flat pipe.- The Cheyenne appear to have a pipe bundle something like 
that of the Arapaho.^ 

This is as far as we can trace the Blackfoot type of bundle. That it will 
be found among the Crow and Flathead is probable, but so far specific 
information has not come to our notice. As the data stand, this type 
shows strong development among the Blackfoot; but it is probable that 
equally complete information from other tribes would minimize this dift'er- 
ence. 

There is another type of pipe ceremony, rather fully described by ]\Iiss 
Fletcher under the name of hako.* In addition to this we have some notes 
on the Dakota ceremony by Curtis '" and a much more complete study for 
the Teton in an unpublished manuscript by Dr. J. R. Walker. In the 
Teton ceremony a pair of pipestems and an ear of corn play a conspicuous 
part, but so far as we can make out there is no distinct bundle in which all 
these objects are kept. Further, the ceremony is in the nature of an adop- 
tion, those for whose benefit it is given coming into a relationship somewhat 
like that of father and son. This relationship is strongly reflected in the 
Pawnee hako and doubtless holds for the Omaha and Ponca. From a 
statement of Clark we infer the Arikara to have this ceremony " and from 
certain sketches of Catlin that it was known to the other village tribes. 

It is plain that we have here two easily distinguishable types of pipe 
ceremonies, the medicine-pipe bundle and the hako. That they are distinct 
is apparent from the fact that the Teton have both. So far as our infor- 
mation goes, the former prevails in the nortliern plains, the latter in the 
southern. 

1 Kroeber, (b), 308. 

2 Kroeber, (a), 272. 

3 Dorsey, (b), 78. 

* Fletcher. 17 e« seg. 
6 Curtis. Vol. 3, 71. 

• Clark. 279. 



ION Anihropi)h(jical Papers American Musnnn of Xatiiral Uislorij. [Vol. VII, 

TluTc is a great tlcal of lilci-aturr on tlii' caluiiu't, indicating a wide 
(listril)iiti()n of the pract'-pipe idea and certain formal practices relating 
thereto; hnt the connection between these and the ceremonies we have' 
studied is scarcely specific enough to warrant discussion here. The Black- 
foot were not ignorant of these customs and even now, often use a pipe in 
administering an oath or sealing a contract; hut this is not the medicine- 
pijjc. It seems prol>al)le that the whites themselves may have been re- 
sponsible for the wide distribution of the peace-pipe custom among the 
plains tribes. To most students the suggestion of a genetic relation between 
the calumet and tlie pipe ceremonies of the Pawnee and the Blackfoot 
presents itself automatic ally. We ourselves reacted in this way; but now 
having some familiarity with the details in\()hed, we doubt if after all there 
is anything here sa\c an ol)jecti\e analogy. Most certainly every pipe was 
not a calumet and e\-ery smoking ceremony not a calumet ceremony. It 
is obvious that if we consider rittudistic ceremonies as "constructs," we 
must expect to find conunon elements in quite otherwise different wholes. 
Such must be discounted or properly weighted in genetic enquiry. The 
burning of tobacco has e\erywhere made a peculiar appeal to man and it 
may be seriously asked if the after dinner cigar is not as integrally related 
to the calumet as it in turn to the Blackfoot pipe bundle. 

On the other hand, it is pertinent to inquire into the probable common 
origin of the hako and the medicine-pipe. The decorations on some Black- 
foot pipes suggest those of the hako, but others are quite different. Again, 
the face painting often used by a Blackfoot pipe owner is like that of the 
hako,^ and in other cases like that of the Teton and Arikara. Also, the 
placing of small particles of food in the mouth of the im'tiated one and the 
assumed relation of father and son, are found in each, ^'et among the 
Blackfoot, these are prominent in some other ceremonies, the tendency in all 
transfers being to speak of the two persons concerned as father and son. 
Hence, these have little weight here. The main conceptions in the two 
types of ceremonies are certainl\- different, from which it seems likely that 
thev had different origins. 



Bk.wkk Btndi.ks. 

We turn now to a series of bundles spoken of as the beaxcr. These are 
tlie bundles |)ar excellence. So far as we know, no other tribe on this con- 
tinent can boast a bundle api)roacliing half its size. \\\v\\ the medicine- 
pipe bundle which is of goodly proportions, is an infant i)y its side.- Its 



' Fletcher, 2,3.i. 

= See McCliriiock, 107 



1912.] Wisiiler, Blackjuol Jiundlcs. 1(J9 

most common name is kosksstakjomopista, hcaAcr-hiindlcd-ui). Those 
who own such bundles are spoken of as beaver men, but often as ijo^'kiniks, 
those having the power of the waters. At present, beaver bundles are to 
be found among all the divisions except the Blood, among whom the}' have 
not been particularly popidar for a long time. There are, however, a 
number of Blood men who are fully informed as to the ritual. Among the 
Piegan, recent years have witnessed a marked revival of interest on the part 
of the young men, many of whom are industriously studying the rather 
complicated ritual. The beaver ceremony proper constitutes a kind of 
nucleus around wliicli ai'c found a number of more or less related cere- 
monies. The primary ritual seems to be associatetl with tlie beaver bundle. 
A more or less integral part of this is the tobacco planting ceremony, analo- 
gous to a similar ceremony among the Crow. The sun dance bundle used 
in the most sacred part of the sun dance ceremonies is sometimes found 
in beaver bundles and is everywhere regarded as related in ritualistic origin. 
Finally, we may mention the Crow-has-waters society, an organization 
whose practices and origin are usually assigned to conceptions found in 
the beaver ritual. 

Contents. The l)eaver bundle may have varied contents, but the follow- 
ing are regarded as essential: several beaver skins, entire; a pipe; two 
buffalo ribs; buffalo tail; buffalo hoofs ; a digging stick; skins of muskrat, 
weasel, white gopher, badger, prairie dog, antelope kids, deer kids, moun- 
tain goat kids, mountain sheep kids; tail of the lynx or wildcat; scalplocks; 
skins of loon, yellow-necked blackbird, raven, blackbirds, woodpeckers, 
sparrows, crow^ ducks, and several birds we were unable to identify; buffalo 
rocks wrapped in wool; wristlets of wildcat claws to be worn by the woman. 
Among the accessories not kept in the primary bundle may be mentioned 
sweetgrass and root of the parsnip, used for the smudge, black and red 
paints, rattles and a rawhide on which to beat them (no drum is used with 
this ritual), counting sticks used in keeping tally of the months. The 
contents of the primary bundle are placed between the folds of a buffalo 
calf robe, resting on the hair side, and the whole wrapped in tanned elkskin 
painted red. The wrapping may be of buffalo skin, but elk is regarded as 
the proper wrapping. The strings should be of elkskin. The bundle is 
kept at the rear of the tipi resting on a parfleche, filled with dried meat, 
and on a bag of dried berries. 

To this composite statement may l)e added the following Piegan account 
of a particular bundle:— "Half a buffalo hide is placed on the floor and an 
elkskin used for the outside covering. The pipest(Mn is tied on the outside 
of the bundle and the bowl laid near it. The stem is al)our two and a half 



170 AulhrojHthxjicdl Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. VII, 

feet long, is coxcred with eagle plumes, and has seven sealploeks tied at 
intervals to it. Five forked snnidge sticks about three feet in length are 
tied on outside of the bundle. The rattles, together with all the different 
paints and fats, are placed in a woven l)ag close to the bundle. Between 
the bufi'alo robe and the bundle is placed the leather on which the rattles 
are beaten. One smudge stick with the fork pointing towards the door is 
placed close to the bundle; sweetgrass is also placed near it. In the morn- 
ings and evenings this is used for making the smudge. The bundle is made 
up in the following order: elkskin, beaver skin, then muskrat, loon, badger, 
mink, gopher, wildcat tail, eagle and raven feathers, weasel skin, dog tail, 
buffalo hoofs, scalplocks,«<ind wristlets, white prairie chicken, yellow -necked 
blackl)ird, nuid hens or hell divers, hawk, white swan, ten sparrows, snow 
bird, mouse, bufi'alo rock wrapped in a skin, roulette or gambling w^heel, 
and buffalo wool. During the summer and spring sweetgrass is used for 
the smudge; in winter, parsnip is used." The informant did not see any 
counting sticks with this bundle but says they used to have them to keep 
track of the days and months in the year. 

A woman added the following: — "A blanket is spread on the ground at 
tlie rear of the tipi and a parfleche is placed on this and then the beaver 
bundle. These parfleche contain berries and dried meat mixed with berries, 
the food used for ceremonies during tlic winter and the spring of the year 
when th(> thunder is first heard. In the old days, the beaver men never 
opened their hntidlcs until the spring, but at present they do it at any time." 

All tlie diU'erent skins and birds are wrapped in elkskin and tied with elk 
thongs. The rawhide on which the rattles are beaten is placed under the 
bundle, but not in it nor tied to it. The rattles are kept in a Nez Perce 
bag, .secured by intcr-trihal trade. 

One of the oldest bundles is that now owned by Tom Kiyo. It is said, 
he has owned it since Head-carrier's death about ten years ago, who was 
said to have been one luindred eleven years old when he died. The things 
that go witli the bundle are: four smudge sticks, fourteen rattles, two 
<lecorated pipes and stems, one with a straight bowl and the other with the 
ordinary pipe bowl (Fig. 2')), a mountain goatskin used for the eoxcr, bag 
for keeping rattles, bag with buffalo hoofs and paint, a buffalo hide used as a 
(■()\er, a buckskin string, two beaA'cr skins, an otterskin, mink skin, four 
nmskrats, eight short sticks about six inches long wliicli beaxcrs ha\-e 
chewed (these sticks are used in the ceremony together with the songs for 
them I, three loons, one white >wan, two (hicks, one rail, one badger skin, 
foiu- lynx tails, one prairie dog, three liutl'alo rocks, one black-tailed deer- 
skin, two raxcns and some raxcn feathers, four weasel skins, brown and 
white. Tlu-ri- are also two wall creepers (oni- of these is black), two wood- 



1912.] Winder, Blackfool Bundles. 171 

peckers, one blackbird, one dog tail for which there is a song, one huiialo 
tail fan. a white prairie chicken, two grouse, one "bear's bone," in the 
shape of a bear. It is said that this carving came from Alaska and was 
made by the Indians there and was added to the bundle only a few j^ears 
since. There are also two magpie feathers, a hair lock, three eagle tail 
feathers, two rat skins, one mouse skin, one mountain squirrel, tobacco 
seed, two tobacco pouches, one tobacco board and sticks used to cle;in 




Fig. 2.5. A Straight-pipe in a Beaver Bundle, drawn by Tom Kiyo. 

pipes, one night hawk, and tobacco to be kept in the l)undle, black jjaiiit, 
Indian red paint, seventh paint, and some fat used with the paint. The 
smudge is made with sweetgrass and a kind of fungus which grows on trees 
in the far north. It also contains a large turnip and three pairs of wristlets. 
The wristlet is made of a buckskin string with a blue bead at each end. 
In the bundle are also two whistles, made of bones of the loon. There are 
two blankets, painted red, one of these is for the man and the other for his 
wife. 

The Owner. Those who own as well as those who have owned a bundle 
are spoken of as beaver men. They do not constitute a society. They are 
considered skillful in forecasting the weather. They are credited with good 
memories (perhaps because the ritual is so long) and formerly kept count 
of the days and months. For this purpose sets of sticks were kept in bags. 
They claim twenty-six days for a moon and four days during which the moon 
is invisible (dies, or covers itself) making a period of thirty days. It is the 
duty of each bundle owner to keep tally of the days, also to note signs for 
forecasting. Anyone wishing to know the time of the year or the probabili- 
ties of the weather, can call upon them. In winter, special attention should 
be given the moon Thus, if the new moon appears to lean backward, the 
weather will be mild; if forward, cold; a white circle of clouds around the 
moon, a warm chinook wind. The sun and many other objects must like- 
wise be watched. 



\~'2 Anlhropolofiicdl /-'«/«/-.s Americait Museum of Xaliirdl History. [Vol. \'II^ 

The rcsi)(>iisiliilit\ and the ()\viu'rslii|) of a Ijiindlt- aiv entirely in tiie 
hands of one man. The hundle is kept in the rear of his tipi opposite the 
door. On a l)ed of l)lankets or rohes rests a parfleehe, containing dried 
meat and herries, and inmiediately upon this the bundle. It is not sus- 
j)ended. Jt is ne\er taken outside, except when the ashes are to l)e renio\ed 
from the fireplace and when the camp is to he moxcd. Tliis, at once, 
distinguishes it from most other bundles. 

The owner must conduct the ceremony or provide a leader wjien a 
person has made a ^•ow to open the bundle. He must open it in the spring 
at tobacco-planting time and again at the harvest when tobacco is put into 
it (compare medicin(>-pipe, 147). At no other time is it opened, except for 
the transfer. Some informants claim that formerly the bundle was opened 
at each new moon. 

The owner's wife (the head wife, if more tiian one) takes care of the 
l)undle and makes the smudge, morning, noon, and night. In the ceremony 
she leads the women in the e^•olutions and songs. Her presence is necessary 
throughout. 

In return for the inconvenience and expense of having a l)un(lle, the 
owner enjoys a certain prestige. It takes him many years to learn the 
entire ritual but, he in turn, teaches what he knows to others, recei\ing for 
this, horses and other proj)erty. To a lesser degree his wife profits by 
instructing other women. When the bundle is opened to a vow, the owner 
receives presents. After he ceases to own a bundle, he may continue to 
instruct and to lead the ceremony for others, for which he receives presents. 
Perhaps over and above these material benefits is the general good fortune 
believed to attend the owner and his family. Inirther, all seem to find the 
highest kind of pleasure in the study of the ritual. It has an aesthetic 
charm that makes the strongest kind of an appeal. Th(> writer knows 
Engli.sh-speaking Indians who ha\ c sj)()ken to him of their efforts to master 
the ritual, showing the very deepest feeling. With many it becomes the 
ruling passion. 

The man and his family nuist ol)serve a number of taboos, some of which 
we enumerate. He nuist set food before everyone visiting his tipi; should 
a caller ask for food, the owner must set out all he has in the place and the 
guest must eat it at one sitting. If he succeed, the owner must pay a 
forfeit; if he fail, he pays. If a smoke is asked for, the owner plies the 
guest witii eigiit or more pipes, making liim ill. If the owner comes up to 
the bank of a stream, he cannot turn back but must cross there; he must 
not show fear of water in any form. He is supposed to have power over the 
water. Xo one nnist kick on the ear poles of the tipi, if they do in a cere- 
mony the whole must cease, or all engaged stop and turn entirely around,. 



1912.] Wu,slcr, BlarL-fiinl liutullrs. IT'A 

then proceed. 1 The .side.s of the tipi iiuist not be raised and cookin^^ must 
never be done outside. No matter how hot the weather, tins must be (h)ne. 
When a bundle owner comes into a tipi and sits down he is not supposed to 
move from that place. He must not be poked with the fingers as in asking 
a, person to move over. He must not cut his hair when in mourning. When 
the pipe passes him in smoking, he may smoke each time. When another 
owner comes to the tipi, a smudge should be made so that songs may be 
sung, if it is found desirable. He must not beat his wife without singing 
the appropriate song; she has a defense song, if she can sing that she is safe. 
Otherwise, she cannot escape, as running away will do no good. When a 
bundle owner has a dream he goes to another owner and relates it and it is 
interpreted. He is supposed to remain in his tipi a great part of the time. 
The genitals of a beaver or wood that has been gnawed by one must never 
be brought into the tipi, the latter must never be burned. The owner must 
sit still in the tipi, must not move around. Where he sits is a place of 
power. He must not go barefooted in the tipi. When he is asleep he can- 
not be awakened except by singing and then is not to get up until the 
seventh song is sung. He must not eat the beaver nor any of the birds in 
the bundle. (The narrator was once up in the mountains and was greatly 
famished, finally he ventured to eat a grouse. This made him deathly ill.) 
Fat or tallow must never be broken in the tipi. The owner must never 
blow the fire. In cases of necessity he may take a pipestem and blow- 
through it. No drums can be used with the bundle and they cannot be 
kept in the tipi. No one should pass in front of the owner when he is 
smoking or pass l>etween the fireplace and the bundle when the ceremony 
is going on. When going to swim, the owner must sing a song and then 
dive into the water. He must not step on or across a beaver track or den: 
if this be necessary, he must sing certain songs before doing so. He must 
not sleep over a moccasin. He must not strike a dog, nor kill any kind of 



1 Black-bear says that the beaver bundle was first given to a man who camped by 
St. Mary's Lake. The man's wife was left all alone while he went out hunting, and one day 
she went to get a pail of water and was taken in by the beavers. When the man returned he 
rould not find his wife, but he saw her tracks and the water pail by the river and thought that 
perhaps she had returned to her people, so he stayed in his tipi and was very lonesome. One 
night he heard some people singing and when he looked up he saw his wife and many men 
entering his tipi. His wife told him that these men had come to give him the beaver bundle. 
The beaver men then tauglit the man the songs and all about the ceremony. Towards 
daylight someone outside kicked one of the lodge poles and the IxaMi- men all Uu-ned once 
around in their seats and kept on singing. Once more the poK «;i> ki<ki(l and again the 
men turned about in their seats. The fourth time the pole was kickrd i h- Ixaver men stopped 
and went out and were beavers again and went into the water. This is why tlie beaver 
ceremonies are as they are nowadays. When people wish the performers to stop they kick 
on one of the lodge poles four times and the ceremony will end at once. l)ut at the first three 
kicks they only turn about in their seats. The beaver men cainc to tliis mans tipi four 
nights and after they had taught him the songs, he went back to liis ix'opU- and had a bea\ cr 
ceremony every new moon. 



174 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. MI, 

hirtl or animal. If lie loan property, he cannot take it a^ain. In passing 
tlic pipe, it must be litid in front of the bcax cr man, the l)o\vl resting on the 
ground. 

The ordinary sweat liouse is used for the owners and in the ceremony. 
There is no certain number of stones and the hole is circular, the dirt from 
which is placed on the west side of the sweat house. Before the hot stones 
are passed inside, a smudge of sweetgrass is made between the hole and the 
rear of the house; after the stones are in the hole another smudge is made on 
them. Just before the stones are put into the hole, a pipe is handed in and 
one of the men prays, holding it toward the sun and again toward the ground. 
Then another lights it and it is smoked around until burned out when it is 
passed out and laid on the ground to the west with the stem toward the 
north. The men keep their eyes shut while the covers are down. During 
each of the four periods in which the sweat house is closed, four songs from 
the beaver ritual are sung. Upon coming out, they wait until dried off 
and then go into the cold water. 

The beaver bundle is taken to the sweat house and laid against the west 
side, where it remains until the men return to their tipi. The hot stones are 
manipulated in an interesting manner. First, four are brought in one by 
one and arranged at the four corners around the hole, while the fifth is 
placed in the center. Then the other stones are piled in. Before the 
ceremony the pipe, smudge stick, etc. are laid on top, ready to be passed in 
when needed. The men enter by the east door, but those who own beaver 
bundles pass their clothes out at the west and emerge there also. In summer 
time sweetgrass is used for the sweat house smudge; in winter, the root of 
the parsnip. 

The Transfer. A man may vow to purchase a beaver bundle, in which 
case the owner has no option. On the other hand, the purchase may be 
arranged voluntarily. At the formal transfer, the ritual is demonstrated 
as far as possible, four days and nights being required to complete it. In 
the normal order of events the ex-owner continues to instruct the purchaser 
for an indefinite period. 

Among the special ceremonies at this time, mention may be made of a 
curious drawing of counting sticks. The purchaser and his women draw 
out one stick for each ten years they hope to live. Thus, our informant 
once bought a beaver bundle when he drew out ten sticks, his wife, nine, 
and his sister eight. 

As with the medicine-pipe, the i>urchaser nuist be given the right to eat, 
dress, ride. etc. One of his horses must be painted and devoted to bearing 
the travois for transporting the bundle. (It must never have been carried 



1912.] Wissler, Blackjoot Bundles. 175 

Otherwise, though wagons are now used.) A special horse for the purchaser 
and one for his wife must also be selected and painted. These are then 
sacred to these purposes and the one for the bundle must never transport 
fresh meat. 

One informant says that there is no stated period that a man must keep 
a bundle. If he is interested in learning the ritual, he will keep up his 
studies long after he has sold out. No one man is ever able to learn the 
entire ritual. Fees are expected for all instruction. 

Part Ownership. While the contents of a bundle must be kept intact, 
some of the minor parts may be owned by others. Thus a man selling may 
retain the ownership of certain birds or animals; or one may vow to pur- 
chase one or more parts of a bundle. In transferring these parts, the bundle 
is opened and the w^hole ceremony performed. The part owner then takes 
a place in all ceremonies and when the proper point in the ritual is reached 
he dances with his bird, etc., leading in the songs relating thereto. Such 
part owners have no obligations in the care of the bundle. They are not 
required to sell out when the bundle changes hands. Yet, they may in 
time come to a considerable knowledge of the ritual and ultimately be con- 
sidered beaver men, without having ever owned a bundle. There seems 
to be a transition in progress, since at the present day it is chiefly young men 
who are interested in the beaver, whereas formerly only old men owned 
bundles. Further, a part owner is now sometimes permitted to take out 
the objects belonging to him and care for them at home; yet they do not 
lose their connection and may be returned at any time. The tendency 
now is to consider all part owners as beaver men. 

Function. The beaver bundle seems to serve general rather than speci- 
fic purposes. Yet, anyone in trouble may make a vow to give a "berry 
soup," or feast, for the beaver men. At the proper time a horse, blankets, 
and other property are given to the owner of a bundle, w'ho carries the cere- 
mony, at least, through the opening of the bundle. The bundle was not 
carried to war. There was no thunder ceremony as for the pipe, but it 
seems to have been opened at tobacco planting time and again at the 
tobacco harvest. Likewise, the calling of the buffalo seems to have been 
one of its functions. Furthermore, its ritual is connected with tlie sun dance 
bundle, in whose ceremonies it performs an important part. 

Ritual. The ritual for this bundle was not recorded in full, but in 
addition to observing the ceremony a number of songs were taken with the 
phonograph. As with the preceding, the ceremony consists of opening 



\,{\ Anlhroimloijicnl Papers America ii Museum of Natural Ilislory. [Vol. VII, 

tlif huiullf and (lancing- witli some of the t-onti'iits. 'I'lic following is the 
.statcim-nt of a Piegan as to the order of proeefkire in the ceremony: At the 
lu'ginning of the ceremony, after the opening songs, a song is sung and a 
smudge nuuU'. After singing seven songs a smudge is made. This is 
repeated three times. After the secon<l seven songs are sung, the bundle 
is taken from the rear of tlie tipi; during the third seven songs it is moved 
slowly toward the center of the tipi; and during the fourth it is placed in its 
j)roper position. The words of the songs are : " Buffalo I take, it is pow^erful, 
powerful he starts:" anotiier song is; "Buffalo I take." When this is 
sung the strings of the hiiiidlc and tliosc on the hajis containing the rattles 
are mitied. Another song is sung while the smudge is made, the words: 
"BuH'alo I take." As the forked snuidge sticks are taken up, they sing: 
" I am looking for forked sticks, it is powerful, I take it." Another song is 
tlieii sung: " Huffalo 1 take." A smudge is made with the wool of the 
hutialo and they sing: "Old woman is coming in, old man is coming in, 
man is coming in, morning.star is coming in." Still another song is: "Old 
nuin looking for smudge stick, old woman looking for smudge stick and finds 
it poAverful." Again they sing: " 1 am looking for earth or ground. I have 
found where to sit. Where I sit is natojiwa." 

Another smudge is made and the singing ceases for a while. Se\en 
more songs are sung and another smudge is made. After singing seven 
songs the rattles are taken up, held over the snuidge, and then beaten on 
the leather. Another smudge is made, the pipe is taken out of the bundle, 
they dance with it and sing seven songs belonging to the pipe. A smudge 
is made and seven songs sung for the elkskin cover and then another smudge 
is made and seven songs sung for the calfskin. A song is sung and a smudge 
made and the bundle is opened. The men imitate buffalo, hooking the 
covers off the bundle with the fingers. After this four songs are sung for 
the beaver skins and at the fifth they are taken out of the bundle and 
<lifferent motions made with them. Then they sing for the red paint .vith 
which they paint all llic cliildrcn and ])e()i)le present. The ne.xt song is for 
the nniskrat which is taken out; while singing another song, the woman 
takes the muskrat .skin, going through different motions with it. Another 
smiulge is nuide, seven songs are sung for the otterskin with which they 
dance. Then songs are sung for dittVrent objects in the bundle as follows: 
.seven for the otter.skin, four for the loon .skin, five for badger skin, five for 
wildcat tail, four for eagle tail feathers, three for the digging-stick, and two 
for the wea.sel skin. While singing the following seven songs which are rest- 
ing songs the people smoke. There are two songs for raven feathers, three 
for gopher, three for white gopher, three for mountain scpurrels, three for 
prairie dog, four for women's wristlets which consist of buckskin strings, one 



1912.] Wii^fiUr, Blarkfoal liundlcs. 177 

for mouse, and seven more soiii^s for beax-er skin. Then comes a period of 
rest. After this the following songs are sung: two for blackbird and the 
yellow-necked blackbird, four dancing songs for the sparrow, four for lizard, 
four for buffalo hoofs, fi\-e for nnid hens, seven for elk, four for dog, one song 
each for each of the goose family, seven for scalplocks, seven more smoking 
or resting songs, fourteen songs for the man who planted his tobacco seed 
on the plains, one song for each kind of prairie chicken, two for bear, one 
song for each different kind of hawk, seven songs and a dance with mink, 
two songs for each kind of duck, one song each for coyote and wolf, seven 
for the tobacco seed, four for the iniskim, or buffalo rocks, one for the roulette, 
or gambling wheel. Three songs are sung at meal time, prayers are said 
before eating, and after the meal is over three songs are sung and they dance 
for the string which is used in tying the bundle. At this time the wdfe of 
the beaver man goes to the door of the tipi, kneels and sings a song, keeping 
time with motions of the head and body. Then she turns toward the door 
twice and faces the audience twice. Then she rises and turns toward the 
door twice, faces the audience and then leaves the tipi. As soon as she leaves 
the rattles are all placed with the handles toward the center. This ends 
the ceremony. 

During the winter in 1911 Mr. Duvall saw a ceremony conducted by 
Tom Kiyo and made the following report: — • 

This ceremony took place in a house. The smudge was made in a box 
fifteen inches square, evenly filled wath dirt. A small hill was made in the 
box to represent the beaver's den. The smudge box was placed a few feet 
from the wall at the rear nearly opposite the door which faced the east. 
Directly behind the smudge box, between it and the wall, was placed the 
beaver bundle with its goatskin cover thrown over it. A snuidge stick with 
the fork pointing towards the door was placed on the north or right side of 
the smudge box; braided sweetgrass was also placed there. 

The director of the ceremony was seated on the right or north side of 
the smudge box while his two women assistants were seated at the south or 
left of the bundle, close to the smudge box. The men guests were all seated 
to his left on the right or north side while the women were seated on the left. 
The man who tended to the smoking outfit was seated among the other men. 
The tobacco board, placed on a new piece of calico w-as given to him. After 
the ceremony was over, as a fee, the tobacco board, a pouch and some 
tobacco, some cigarette papers, a pipe, and a knife were all placed before 
him. Another man, seated nearer the door to the right of it, was given the 
office of tending the smudge by placing the live coals which he took from 
the stove on the smudge box. Every time he went to get the smudge stick 



1 , S Afitfiro/iologiail Papers American Museum of Xatuntl Hi.slory. [\o\. VII, 

he passed to the ri^'ht of tlic siiuidj^e, took the stick, then to the stove, and 
l)hieiiig a Hxe coal between the forks, went around the left of the stove to 
the snnid^'e box and placed the coal on it. He would also place the stick 
on the rifiht of the smudge and yo around to the south of the stove to return 
to his place. He did this every time lie was called upon to l)ring fire. 

Against the wall on the west of the smudge box a bed and pillow was 
placed with a folded blanket on it. Here the bundle was to be placed when 
it was ojjened. The blanket, after the ceremony, was to be given to the 
l)i-a\er bundle owner as part of his fee for giving the ceremony. A woven 
bag whicli contained the rattles w'as also placed to the right of the bundle. 
Another hag, not ([uite as large as the woven bag, had buffalo and moose 
hoofs in it, which were put in with the rattles. Another bag had two half 
rawhides in it. These were used for beating time on with the rattles. They 
were folded many times to make them fit into the bag. 

Tlic iiouse was crowded with men, women, and a few children. The 
iiHii were all on the right side while the women crowded the left side. All 
the bea\(r nun were given places in the front row next to the director of 
the ceremony. Since it was late in the forenoon the beaver bundle owners 
decided not to sing all of their songs as it would take too long. They left 
out a great many but still the ceremony lasted until sunset. 

\x the beginning of the ceremony a smudge was made. The director 
took some of the grass, and holding it over his head, sang as follows: "I am 
the morningstar. Let us have a sweat house. It is powerful." Then he 
placed some of the sweetgrass on the fire. Holding one of iiis hands over 
tlic smudge, and placing it to liis breast, and o\("r tlic bundle he sang: "I 
am the morningstar. 1 want a fisher skin." He made the receiving sign 
and sang: "Moon says a different sweat house I wish you to make for me." 
During this song he would place his hands on the bundle and then on his 
breast. After making another smudge, he sang another song: "Man say 
black I want. Man says white I want. Let us have a sweat house." He 
sang another song, made anotlicr snuidge, took some of the sweetgrass and 
holding it up as before, placed it on the fire. Then he held his hand over 
the snuidge, to his breast, and making the receiving sign, he sang: "Old 
num is coming. He has entered with happiness. He says, make a differ- 
ent sweat lioiise. It is powerful. Old man has come in with happiness. 
He says let us use the sweat house; it is powerful." The words of the next 
song were: "Single man is coming in. He says let us have a sweat house." 
Then he sang: "Old man is coming in. He has entered and taken a seat. 
He says let us use the sweat house: it is powerful. Morning person is 
powerfully coming in and powerfully sitting down." Again he sang: 
"Man is coining and powerfully sitting down. Old woman is coming. 



1912.] Wissln; lUnckfoot Bundles. 179 

She is standinj;- there. Slie i.s powerful. Slie lias entered and lias power- 
fully sat down. She says my medicine is powerful." Then he sang: "Old 
man is coming in," and made the receiving sign, and sang again: "Old 
man is coming. He has entered and seats himself. He says my medicines 
are powerful. 1 take tliein." As the director slowly started to raise the 
goatskin cover from the bundle he sang: "Their rohe I take. They are 
powerful. Old man is coming. He has entered and is powerfully sitting 
down. He says my medicine is powerful. Their robe, I take, it is powerful." 
Then another song, and the words were: "Above man is coming in and 
powerfully sitting down. He says 1 take it; it is powerfully sitting." 

The goatskin, hair side under, was then spread on the blanket where the 
bundle was to be placed. The next song ran as follows: "Old man says, 
timber I see. I see it is powerful. I take it." Then he picked up the 
smudge stick and handed it to the man to get another live coal which meant 
that another smudge was going to be made. 

These songs are called the sw'eat house songs. In them old man, old 
woman, and single man, refer to the sun, moon and morningstar. The 
timber refers to the smudge stick. 

After another smudge was made and another song sung, the director 
held up the bag which contained the two pieces of rawhide and sang: "It 
is summer. Let others see you." He took out the two pieces of rawhide 
which were still folded up and holding them in front of him he sang: " Tim- 
ber I am powerfully standing on; it is powerful," and again made the re- 
ceiving sign, and sang another song: "When we get up. Look at me, I am 
powerful." Then he sang: "Mountains I am standing on; they are 
powerful." He began to unfold the rawhide very slowly and sang: "Timber 
we are running about; it is powerful." Then shaking the rawhide and still 
singing, "In summer, we are running about; it is powerful. The ground is 
powerful. We are powerfully sitting down." Then he spread the two 
pieces on the floor in front of him and the other men who assisted with the 
singing. The men sat on the edges of the buckskin with the largest part 
in front of them. All through the ceremony the two women who were to 
assist sat opposite him, watched carefully and imitated all his motions. 

The next song was, "Old man says, I have found my medicines; they 
are powerful. Old woman is coming. She has entered and is seated. She 
says my medicine, I want to take; they are powerful. I take them." 
The next song was: "Old man has come in and is powerfully seated. He 
says, my medicine. 1 have found they have given power," then as he says, 
"H-o-o-o," he makes the receiving sign, and sings another song: "Old 
woman has come. Her medicine is powerful. I take them. (These words 
refer to the bundle.) They look well with me " (meaning his bundle became 
him). 



lS(l Anthropological Popers American Afuseuni of Xatural History. [Vol. \'II, 

Again he sings: "Old man has C(Mno in He says my medicines I take. 
I c-arry tlieni on ni\' back, ho-o-o," and made the receiving sign. The next 
song was as follows: " Old man has come in and is powerfully seated." Then 
hrushing his hand over his head, down his shoulders, and placing both hands 
on the floor, he sang: "Old woman is sitting and says I have taken my 
medicine," and touching the bundle with his right hand, he sang: "Those 
here my metlicines, I take them," and again touched the ground Avith his 
hands. Then the following were sung: "These medicines I take: above 
man says sharp points pass on both sides of me; l)ufl'alo I take." 

Making four passes with their hands to the smudge and the bundle, the 
women untied the cords. After singing another song, a smudge was made. 
The director made four passes wath his hand to the smudge, his mouth, his 
nose, and l)rushing his hand over his head and down his breast, and taking 
four snuidge sticks tied together he sang: "Old man says timber I take; it 
is powerful." He turned the ends of the four smudge sticks four times 
towards the snmdge. The director and the two women held the sticks 
vertically. They slightly waved the upper parts of the sticks. Then they 
were giAcn to one of tlie w^omen who held them against her head and face 
and prayed to them. Then the other woman assistant also took the sticks 
and prayed to them. All the singing ceased during the praying. When 
finished she handed them to the director of the ceremony who prayed to 
them and handed them to the man at his left. Thus the sticks went the 
rounds of all the spectators. Those who did not wish to pray merely 
brushed one side on their heads and shoulders and then the other, repeating 
this motion four times. Some prayed aloud and some in a whisper. When 
those who prayed aloud had finished, all present would make the receiving 
sign and wish for something. When the sticks finally returned to the 
director he placed them beside the bundle. Prayer to these sticks is sup- 
posed to bring long life. 

The next song ran as follows: " In summer, I swim out; it is powerful." 
Then the director placed his hand on the bundle and the bag of rattles. 
The two women a.ssistants raised the l)undle and swinging it gently, sang: 
"We are powerfully starting and powerfully standing. We are powerfully 
sitting." Then the bundle was placed on the goatskin which was west of 
the smudge box. The man sitting to the left of the director held the bag 
with rattles. After another song the beaver bundle was raised by the same 
women, turned about, and again placed in its resting place. Another 
smudge was iiiiiili'. The dirt>ctor made four pa.sses to the smudge, his 
mouth, and the bau of rattles. Then he touched the string with which the 
bag was tied and the iiiiui holding it untied the conls. .Vnotiici- song, and 
he made four jiasses to the snmdge Jind tlie hag of rattles and tlien took out 
nine rattles, and ga\c one to each man, keeping one for liiniself. 



1912.] Tr?:.s.s/rr, Bldckfanl Bundles. 181 

The wortls of the next song were: "Buffalo I am h)oking for," and all 
the singers cawed four times: "The Avind is our medicine. Raven says 
powerful dead buffalo I want." During this song the men held the rattles 
vertically with the ball part resting on the rawhide. They made move- 
ments with the right finger and pecked at the rattles with it four times. 
This represents the raven pecking on a dead buffalo. Then the rattles were 
laid down. The next song was as follows: "^ly rattles are powerful," and 
he made four passes to the siniidge and the beaxcr bundle, to the smudge 
again, and finally the rattles. Then they all beat time with them on the 
rawhide and shook them in the air. The next song and they started to beat 
time while the director blew^ four times on his bone whistle which hung 
around his neck from a cord. The two women imitated all his movements 
during the singing. He made the receiving sign, the women doing the same, 
and then blew on his whistle four times. Another song, and then the 
rattles were used during all the rest of the singing. 

He placed his hand on the bundle and then made the recei\-ing sign. 
Then he picked up the smudge stick in his left hand and held it up, curved 
his right fingers, passed them to the forks of the stick and sang, " I want to 
make a score or win some enemy." Big-brave arose, took the smudge 
stick from his hand and waved it over his head as they do when a gun is 
captured. Then he returned it. This was to represent the wheel gambling 
game with the Snake Indian, when the Piegan and Snake played the wheel 
game and the Snake lost his scalp. ^ Any one of the beaver men or guests 
may thus take the smudge stick. Those who get it are supposed to have 
luck in war, capture weapons, or obtain property. 

The director and the two women, leaned forward over the bundle and 
went through the movements of dancing while on their knees. While the 
others sang he blew on his whistle four times, and slowly untied the cords 
around the bundle. The two decorated pipestems were in a flannel bag 
tied outside of the main bundle. These pipestems still in their covers were 
taken from the bundle. The main bundle was well wrapped up and tied 
with a long buckskin string. When the string was untied, they made four 



1 Later on Scabby-round-robe added the scalplock which he took from a Snaki> In lian 
whom he had killed. Tliis is why the pipestem in the beaver bundle has a .scalplock ti?;l to it. 
When the Piegan and the Snake met in the cave they had a wheel game and the Piegan won 
the Snake's scalp. This is why the people generaUy speak of their enemies as those with 
whom they gamble. The wheel witli which the Snake and Piegan used to play tlie game was 
afterwards given to the beaver bundle owner and the gambling wheel has been in tlie beaver 
bundle ever since. This is why the beaver men sing in their ceremonies and say • I want to 
win some enemy." It refers to the wheel the Piegan and the Snake used. Sometimes they 
take the forked smtidge stick and holding the wheel on the stick throw the stick (without the 
wheel) down near the door of the tipi. Everyone tries to get the forked stick first because 
it is considered lucky for the winner. The throwing of the stick represents the wheel game 
of the Snake and Piegan. 



1S2 Anthnii)()l(>(/ir(it f\iii(rs Aincriaiti Miisciati of Xnlunil Ilislnnj. jN'ol. \'II, 

passes witli it towtinls tlir siiuhIuc :iri<l i)la((Ml it \)\ the side of the l)iiii(lK'. 
The l)uiValo rol)e whicli formed the outer eovering was opened with the 
hiiiidle still resting on it. Then tlie three different ealieo wrappings were 
opened. This hist exposed all the birds and tiie skins in the hiiiKllc. The 
two pipestenis, still in their covers, were placed with the Kirds and skins. 
Singing and rattling went on, while the bundle was being opened. 

Then he took the woman's right hand, made another snnulgc and sang. 
He held his hand to the snuidge and to his mouth and taking the woman's 
iiand he |)lace(l it on the cords tying the pipesterns. They untied the string, 
and i)assing it four times toward the smudge, placed it near the birds and 
skins. Both holding to an end of the stem, they pulled it from its covering 
ver\ slowly. As it was still tied up in some calico the same movements 
were gone through as with the outer wrapping and then the pipestem was 
placed with the other things. The covcm-s from the second pipestem were 
removed in the .same way as the first. During all this time the singing 
continued. Then the director held uj) the decorated stem and sang as fol- 
lows: "You will see my pipe which is powerful." Then he laid the stem 
down. 

There was still another long pipestem which was used with tiie straight 
l)o\vl (hiring a part of the ceremony. This was wrapped near its mouth- 
piece with a band of seed beads, a few ribbons hung from the beads. It was 
a Httle over two feet long. He took this pipestem and a spotted deerskin 
bag and made another smudge. With a small leather bag he made four 
passes toward the smudge and reaching into it took out the straight pipe 
bowl, holding the stem in hrs right and the bowl in his left hand. Big-brave 
told of four war deeds and the l)owl was fitted to the stem. Then he handed 
the pipe to the man attending to the smoking, together witii something 
with which to mix the tobacco. Then, holding a pipe in each luind over his 
shoulders, and blowing his whistle, he danced backwards and forwards 
towards the smudge, turning and facing in different directions every time. 
.Meanwhile the womeii all cheered him. He gave the pipesterns to two men 
who took them and holding them near their faces, prayed to them, and then 
handed them to the man to the left who also prayed. 

As the sacred pipe was filled it was handed to the director wiio took it 
with the stem pointing to the east and prayed. Then he gave it to another 
man to light, but before it could be lighted four war deeds had to be told. 
Big-brave told four war deeds and struck a match and lighted the pipe while 
the other man drew on the mouthpiece. The pipe did not draw well and 
as it went out it had to be lighted again. Some of the men said it was 
unlucky when the sacred pipe had to be relighted. The pipe was passed 
around among the men just as a common pipe would be. By this time 



1912.] Wissler, Blackfoot Bundles. 183 

the two pipestcnis which wvrv I)('in<i j)asse(l urouiid the house for all to pray 
over, had reached him and he took them and placed them with the other 
things. 

A song followed this. The director took a small bag and making four 
passes with it towards the smudge, took out four sticks about a quarter of 
an inch in diameter and four inches long and placed them on the west side 
of the smudge. These sticks had been chewed by beavers and are called 
the beaver gnawed sticks. Another song was sung, and he and the two 
women each took a beaver skin and passed them under their robes around 
their backs which was supposed to represent a live beaver swimming and 
diving. While they were doing this they went through the motions of 
dancing. Then they were placed with the other things. 

The next song began and four women knelt in front of the smudge, 
keeping time with their singing. All faced each other, two kneeling on the 
right and two on the left side. Each woman took one of the short sticks 
and biting it at the middle, arose. A beaver skin was given to each of the 
four women who danced with it. During this time the director held a 
much larger stick wrapped with beaver skin, in his teeth, biting one end of it. 
The women danced around the stove in single file still holding the sticks 
in their teeth. They would throw the beaver skins over one shoulder, and 
then over the other. Then they would hold them with both hands in front, 
stop and turn around and dance again. When the dance was over each 
woman went up to the bundle and first making four passes with her stick 
and skin she placed them among the birds and skins and returned to her 
place. 

At the next song he took two weasel skins and handed them to the two 
women who took them and kept time with them, though still on their knees, 
while he kept the third weasel skin to keep time with himself. Then they 
were placed with the other things. After the next song, he took a bone 
whistle from among the other things and blew four times on it. The two 
women arose to dance. He gave each of them a buffalo rock. The women 
placed the buffalo rocks (iniskim) in the corners of their blankets as they 
danced around the stove as before. Making four passes with the buflalo 
rocks the women put them among the other things in the bundle, and re- 
turned to their places. 

Then he took three feathers and gave them to three women who took 
them and went through the motions of the dance while they remained 
seated. Then, holding the feathers close to their faces, they prayed to them, 
and making four passes to the smudge they placed them with the others. 
He gave two loons to two of the women, and one to a man sitting on his 
left, and taking a white swan's head himself, the director and the other 



1S4 Anthropological Papers American Muneum of Xoliiral History. [Xol. ^'II, 

three rose and danced with the hirds whiU" the otliers cheered for them. 
In dancing, they held the birds in front of them, the two men in the lead, 
the women following, in single file. The men blew their bone whistles and 
when they stopped the two women held the birds to their heads and prayed 
to them. Four passes were made towards the smudge with the birds and 
they were returned to their places. 

For the ne.xt song the director took up a roll of Hudson Bay tol)acco anrl 
after holding it to his breast for a time returned it to its place. He repeated 
the same movement with two woodpeckers. During the next song, he 
handed the roll of tobacco and the smudge stick to one of the women to 
dance with. He and three other women all danced around the stove in 
single file. At times the dancer would stop, turn completely around, and 
then continue with the dance. When they stopped dancing the tobacco 
and the smudge stick were put with the other things. Then he took up a 
pipe and holding it up, first handed it to a man to his left to pray over. 
When this man ended his prayer he coughed and all the other men in the 
house coughed. They said the coughing was to represent the pnnid feeling 
of the beaver men. He picked up the night hawk and, holding it to his 
breast, laid it down and then picked up one of the decorated stems, first 
with his right and then with his left hand and then laid it down. During 
the next song, he handed a squirrel skin to one of the men and a chipmunk 
to one of the women and taking the bag with the straight-bowled pipe in it 
rose. The two men and five women all danced as before. When they 
returned to their seats, the skins were replaced but the pipe bag was given 
to another to pray over l)efore it was put l)a(k. l-'or the next song, five 
women were given a sparrow, a blackbird, two woodpeckers, and another 
bird, and a white prairie chicken witli wiiich to dance. While the women 
danced with these birds, the direitor remained in his seat, holding the 
smudge stick as if it were a tree. He moved a woodpecker up and down 
the stick as if it were f)ecking the tree. The l)irfls w(>re returned to the 
bundle after making four j)asses with tliciii. 

The director picked up the mink skin and blowing four times on his 
whistle and making four passes to the snuidge, held up the skin and shook 
it. .\fter l)l()wiiig on his whistle he handed it to one of the men who danced 
with it. He pra\ed to the skin first and then danced, blowing on his bone 
wliistle and holding the skin with both hands in front of him. When he 
finished the others cheered him. He returned the mink skin to the director 
wIk) prayed over it and laid it down. 

The next song was known as the dog song. He i)i(ke(l up a dog's tail, 
and after shaking it handed it to a man. While the man danced everyone 
barked and howled in imitation of a dog. The dancer ended with a howl. 



1912.] Wisslcr, Blarkfoot Bundh's. 185 

For the next, he picked up u biidalo's tail and a leather. He ^ave one man 
the feather and a decorated pipestem with which to dance. The man, 
blowing on his whistle, danced together with five women. The man who 
danced with the decorated stem was Heavy-gun. One of the ribbons which 
had some bells tied to it dropped from the pipestem where it was tied. This 
was said to be very unlucky. When they had finished dancing he gave 
the stem to the director who put it where it belonged. Because one of the 
ribbons fell off they sang the song Scabby-round-robe sang just before he 
waded into the river to meet the Snake Indian. This song was a warning 
to prepare for danger, the words were: "When I try hard, I escape danger, 
or I am saved. Should you not pity me it does not matter." As the 
ribbons and bells still lay on the floor Big-brave arose and standing near 
them, told four war deeds. Then Mad-plume told four war deeds, picked 
up the ribbon and gave it to the director. The singing and counting of war 
deeds were to prevent the prophecy of ill luck coming true. 

For the following song, he held up a bunch of moose hoofs which he 
took out of a woven bag. In his left hand he held the smudge stick and in 
his right he shook the hoofs. He prayed and put down the stick and hoofs. 
Then he took a badger skin and gave it to one of the women. She sat 
facing another woman and they went through the motions of the dance. 
The woman hid the skin under her blanket and then moved back in her 
seat as badgers do when in their dens. After making four passes to the 
smudge with it, she put it in its place. 

He handed the two bobcat tails and the smudge stick to one of the 
women. This woman and another held the smudge stick up vertically 
with one end resting on the floor. She moved the tails up and down the 
stick as bobcats do when climbing trees. Then the tails and sticks were put 
back. For the next song he took a stuffed mouse, held it up, prayed, and 
returned it to its place. Then he took a bird, something like a sparrow, 
and the white swan and holding them in both hands for a time, he laid them 
down. For the next song, he took the raven and holding it on top of his 
head, cawed four times as the ravens do and then handed it to a man who 
prayed and then returned it. He then placed it witli the other birds and 
for the next song one of the women danced with a grouse and another with 
the tail feathers of a grouse. The two women knelt facing each other with 
their heads close to the floor and acted like grouse during the whole dance. 
While the women were dancing, the singers shook their rattles in the air 
imitating the sound of the wings of the grouse. First the woman sat near 
the smudge and acted like grouse, then did the same sitting near the right 
of the door, then on the left or southeast, and then in the southwest corner. 
The women often shook their blankets in imitation of the grouse shaking 



ISC) 



Anlliropolo'iical Papers Arnrrrrnn M iiscinn of Xiitioal Ilistort/. [\'ol. VII, 



its wings. Tlif two woiiu-n prayed to the grouse and the tail feathers, 
and phieed tliein with the other things. 

The direetor of the eeremony took a huneh of hiilVah) hoofs which were 
tied together with a string and shook them to keep time with tlie singing. 
He threw them down near the two women who knelt and faeefl eaeh other 
witli their lieads cUise to the floor. The women rose with the hoofs and 
(hineed with them. The woman who held the hoofs threw the hoofs down 
near one of her " (listant-husl)ands" ^ and he arose and danced with the 
hoofs, imitating a hufValo. He and the woman danced together and then 
the man threw the hoofs near one of his " (hstant-wixes." She arose and 
(hmced with them and then threw the hoofs to one of her " distant-hus- 
haiids." He took the hoofs, first shaking them and then dancing. Every 
little while he kicked back at those who were looking on. He placed the 
hoofs with the other things and thus ended the dance. This dance caused a 
great deal of merriment. As a rule, w'hen a man or woman is dancing w^ith 
these hoofs they may throw the hoofs to their "distant-wives or husbands" 
which means that they are to dance. If "no distant-wives or husbands" 
are present the hoofs arc simply replaced when the dancing is over. 

At the next song the director arose and acted like a bear. Three women 
also arose and held their hands with their fingers crooked on each side of 
their foreheads and then in front of them as bears do when standing on their 
hinfl legs holding up their paws. The women danced up to their " distant- 
husbands" and seizing them roughly forced them to dance. The singers 
could hardly be heard because of the shouting and laughing. After this 
dance a roll of tobacco was cut up and passed around to all who were present. 
Soup was served. Before eating the soup they each held up a berry and 
prayed. This ended the ceremony. 

In the spring, when the ice is melted all beaver men give a ceremony 
to represent the time the beavers come out of their dens and also in memory 
of the time when Scabby-round-robe went to war and killed the Snake. 

During the above ceremony, the painting was omitted by mistake. 

The following beaver ritual songs w^ere taken w itli a phonograph (Nos. 
385-409) and the texts recorded. The translations are by Mr. Duvall: — 

Moon So.xgs. 

1. It is powerful, this gra.ss (smudge), take some of it. 
I use it for a sacred purpose. - 

' See page 12. Also McClintock, 100. 
2 This is the smudge song. 



1912.1 Wissler, Blackfool Bundles. \S', 

2. There he comes, Old Man. 
He is walking this way. 
He is coming in. 

Come in with safety. 
" Let us have a sweat (house)," he saj's. 

3. That there. Old Man. 
He is a-walking. 

He is stooped. 
He is coming in. 
He is sitting down. 
" It is powerful." 

4. Old Man, he says. 

"My old smoke, I do not feel it." 

Old Man, he says, 
"My new smoke, I feel it." 

It is powerful. 

5. Now then, that which is above. 
He knows me. 

It is powerful. 

This here, that which is below. 

He knows me. 

It is powerful. 

6. Old Man, he says, 

"It is increasing (expanding), my smoke. 
I want to smoke." 
It is powerful. 

Old Man, he says, 
"Let us smoke." 
It is powerful. 

Old Man, he says, 
"I want to smoke." 
It is powerful. 

7. O my! ' Man, if you do not show me mercy, 
It makes no difference. 

This one here now, he knows me. 
It is powerful. 

Man, rain, I want it. 
It is powerful. 
Clear weather, I want it. 
It is powerful. 



An iDterjection in Blackfoot speech. 



ISS Anthropological Papers Anurican Museum of Natural Hislory. [Vol. ^'II, 

This here now, the earth, 
It is powerful. 
These, our medicines. 
They are powerful. 

8. Now, we are .sitting and moving.' 
We see all around us. 
We are safe now. 
Man, he .says, in tiio summer. 
When we go outside. 
When we see anyone 
Then we dive 
Then we are safe. 

Man, he says. 

In summer, where we see, 

Then we are safe. 

9. That there. Old Man, 
He is walking this way. 
He has eome in. 
Old man, is walking this way. 
He has come in. 

"I am morningstar," he says, 
"Let us have a sweat (house)." 

Morningstar .says again, 
"A running fisher, give it to me 

Do not disappoint me." 

Morningstar, he says, 
"Let us have a sweat." 

He says again, this morningstar. 
"A running fisher, give it to me." 

"Man, I am the morningstar person. 
Take pity on me. 
A running fi.sher, I want it, 
Cfivc it to me." 

"Man, 1 am the morningstar person, 
Take pity on me. 
Let us have a sweat. 

'I'nkc pity on me." 

Old -Man, he says, 
"Black and white (horses), I want them." 

Old Woman, she says, 
"Black coyote and white coyote. I want them. 

Give them to me." 



' This refers to positions and movements in the ceremony. 



1912.] Wisder, Blackfoul Bundles. 189 

Old Man, he says, 
"Tail feathers to be replaced (renewed),^ I want it." 

Old Woman, she says 
"Tail feathers to be replaced, I want it." 

That these above, I happened to see it. 
That these below, I happened to see it. 
It is powerful.- 

Old Man, he says. 
"A sweat house, give it to me," he says. 

Old Woman, she says, 
"A sweat house, give it to me," she .says. 

Old Man, he says, 
"The calf,* I want it. 

Give it to me." 

Old Woman, she says, 
"The elk, I want it. 

Give it to me." 

Tobacco Songs. 

10. The above, he gave me tobacco seed, 
I have dropped (planted) them. 
It is powerful. 

This here, the e;u1h, hv gave me tol^acco leaves. 
It is powerful 

Tobacco seed, I want it. It is powerful. 
Tobacco leaf, I want it. It is powerful. 
Tobacco seed, I want it. 
A plenty I have taken. 
It is powerful. 
Tobacco leaf, I want it. 
A plenty I have taken. 
It is powerful. 

Tobacco leaves, I have taken. 
It is powerful. 
Old Man, he says. 
"The plants, let us go over there."'' 
It is powerful. 

The Blackfoot take f,n-e:it interest in these sontis. They appear to us as 
the highest type of any so far encountered in their rituals. More ideas are 
expressed and with more form than in the medicine-pipe songs. Many 



' The idea is that tlie worn and broken eagle feathers are to be replaced with new ones. 

• This song is sai:i to refer to a particular dream experience, or a vision. 

3 This is a lieaddrcss made of wliito l)utralo c-alfskiii. The elk refers to the skin wrappings 
in the bundle. 

* Tliis refers to the place where the tobacco is trrowitii,'. 



IIM) Anlhm/)(>l()(iir(il I'd/uns American Museum of Xalural Ilistori/. [Vol. VII, 

Indians .say tliat, in tlu-ory, almost every bird and animal known to them 
has a representation in the bundle and that the ritual eontains at least one 
song for eaeh of them as well as for other objects. ^ The preliminary part 
of the ceremony leads to the opening of the bundle. When this results 
the various objects within may be taken up singly, their songs sung, and 
their dances given. The leader may close at any time. In this dancing 
the object is put through a pantomime of its most characteristic actions. 
Iu)r example, we have seen a woman take up the woodpecker's skin and 
while dancing about in the tipi, imitate its call, hold its bill to the tipi poles, 
and make other movements with it, suggestive of the creature in life. Some 
of this acting is very well done and gives ample scope for individual skill. 
McClintock's account of the beaver medicine may be referred to for a vivid 
word picture of such dances. - 

The music is furnished by rattles only. These are of the type shown in 
Fig. o3, \'ol. V, 8G and were formerly of buffalo skin. Their handles are 
wrapped with strips of cowskin, bearing the dew claws, the whole symboliz- 
ing the hoofs of buffalo. The rattlers rest upon their knees before sheets 
of rawhide (Fig. 26) spread upon the ground and with a rattle in each hand 
make \igorous forward downward strokes. The women assist in the sing- 
ing but not with the rattles. 

The ritual is thus a composite rather than an organized whole. It is 
further complicated by the incorporation of such seemingly separate cere- 
monies as tobacco planting, calling the buffalo, the sun dance bundle, etc. 
This accounts for the great length of the beaver ceremonies and the unusual 
number of songs. No one person is credited with knowing the entire ritual 
and it is believed that many parts have already passed out of recollection. 
The full number of songs cannot be ascertained since there seems to be some 
kind of taboo against counting them. If in a ceremony anyone is detected 
counting the songs, the leader repeats and mixes them until the counting 
ceases, when he again proceeds in the proper order. While beaver men say 
they can count them by mentally noting each, they are very reluctant even 
to estimate their number. Three-bears says there are about four hundred 
and that White-calf (a famous Piegan chief who died in Washington City) 
once sang two hundred seventy in s<>ries beginning in the evening and end- 
ing at dawn. 

T(» understand the ritual we must familiarize ourselves with its mythical 
basis. The gist of the conception was given by one informant as follows: — 
"There are many ways of telling the story of the beaver medicine, but this 

" Though not all informants are agreed, it seems that the mountain sheep, the lion, and 
the owl arc the only living things not represented by songs. 
» McCllntock, 95. 



1912.] Wissler, Blackfoot Bundles. 191 

is the way it came to me. The first bundle was owned l)y a Piegan, named 
Glass-old-man. He transferred his bundle to Scabby-round-robe. Glass- 
old-man received the bundle direct from some beaver. Once when camping 
near a river, his wife was taken down under water by some beaver and when 
she came out she brought with her the bundle and the knowledge of its 
ritual." Several versions of this myth were given in our first paper.^ 

The following narrative throws further light on the ritual's origin: — 
"You remember the story of the twin brothers, or stars, one of whom 
was called Rock and the other, Beaver. After Beaver was married and 
had become a great man, he had a beaver skin which the beavers had 
given him when he lived with them and also some beaver songs the}^ taught 
him. After Beaver had lived with his people for some time he left them 
and put his tipi far away from any camps. Since he was not satisfied with 
the few beaver songs he went outside of his tipi one day and called out in a 
loud voice, *Ho-o-o, all you animals and birds, you are invited to my tipi.' 
As Beaver had great power all the animals were soon assembled in and 
around his tipi. There was one of each kind of animal. They all trans- 
formed themselves into human beings and when those inside were seated 
Beaver said to them, * I have invited you all to come here because I wish a 
song from each of you.' When the animals heard this they all agreed to 
help him. Each sang a song and said, 'You can have this song and also 
my body.' The buffalo bull and the buffalo cow gave him their songs and 
showed him how to make the rattles which are used in the ceremony. They 
also gave him their hides which were to be used for beating the rattles upon. 
The buffalo hoofs were also given him. 

\Yhen the time came for the lizard to sing he said, ' 1 have no song to give 
you.' Beaver insisted that he sing. But the lizard said, 'I have no song 
to give you.' Beaver replied, 'You must sing for I want a song from every 
one of you and if you refuse to sing I will stick your head into the fire.' 
This made the lizard angry and he said, ' I will sing you a song.' The words 
were as follows: 'You man, I am now angry; rain is my medicine; hail is 
my medicine.' No sooner had the lizard finished his song than it commenced 
to rain and hail. Then the lizard went on with his song and said, ' I am on 
an island.' When Bea\er looked out he saw that the ground was covered 
with water and that where the tipi stood, was the only dry spot. There- 
upon Beaver said to lizard, ' I was only joking about sticking your head into 
the fire. Do not sing any more, for you will drown us all out.' Then the 
lizard stopped. 

Now it was the frog's turn to sing and he said he could not sing for he 



Vol. 2, 74-83. 



li)2 Aitthropological Papers Amirican Museuin of Xatiiml Histori/. [\'o\. \II, 

had such a poor xoicc and could only nuikc the cHcking notes whicli frogs 
make. As these notes do not sound very well the Ijeaver huiidle owners 
seldom use them. 

Then the beaver's and lizard's pictures were painted on the leather 
which was to be used for beating the rattles (Fig. 2G). The lizard was 
painted because he was so powerful and that he may be seen during all 
the ceremonies; that of the beaver because it was the only thing the founder 
had wlien he started to get the beaver bundle. "When each animal had 
gi\-en Beaver a song he returned to his people and W'henever the different 
kinds of birds were killed he w^ould ask for them and place them in his 
bundle. He did this until he had a verj-^ large bundle. That is why beaver 
bundle owners have so many different kinds of birds in their bundles and, 
as each is supposed to have a song, they have a great many songs." 

There is still another account for the origin of the beaver bundle: — 
There was a woman who was taken into the river by the beavers and later 
on returned to her husband with a beaver bundle. The beavers called on 
the sun, moon, and morningstar to help them transfer the bundle to the 
wonuin's husband and when they came down they appeared at the man's 
tipi as human beings. The first asked the man to make a sweat house. 
When the sweat house w^as made the three went into it and taught the man 
all about the sweat house songs. Then they went to the tipi and taught 
him the feather and offering songs, the beaver bundle songs (p. 269) and 
the whole ceremony. In the words of the songs the sun and moon are 
spoken of as the old man and the old woman. The sun also showed the 
man wiiat should be done when people washed to make offerings to it. 
The bundle given to this man is said to have contained all the water animals 
and their songs. Later, the two beaver bundles were combined and as 
songs were exchanged the bundles became larger and the songs greater in 
number. It is said the beaver bundle ceremonies are the oldest in history 
and were in use long before the days of Scabby-round-robe and before 
other sacred bundles were used. 

That the ritual came from the beaver is accepted by all, Scabby-round- 
robe having received a further grant of power from the same source. The 
general conception seems to be that by virtue of this ritual. Scabby-round- 
robe possessed great power over (or in) the water after the manner of a 
beaver and overcame his enemies thereby. Thus in some unpublished 
\ersions of the Scabby-round-robe myth we have the following: — 

Scabby-round-rol)e lived with the beavers about seven moons, or months. 
Before he was with the beavers he was asleep on a hill near the ri\er. A boy 
came to him and said, " My father has invited you to our house." The boy 
also told that after he had been with his father some time he would ask him 



1912.] Wisslcr, Blnckjool Bundles. 193 

four times which of iiis father's medicine things lu> would want. He told 
him to choose a stick which always hung over the doorway. " That stick," 
said the boy, " represents myself. It is called the-stick-the-beavers-chewed- 
into." Furthermore, the boy told him to try to learn all the songs his 
father was going to sing to him. 

Then the boy and Scabby-round-robe went into the beaver's home. 
The beaver man had a tipi and all the beaver lived as human beings. The 
beaver man had a bundle and every new moon he would sing and invite 
all the other beaver men. He said to Scabby-round-robe, "Try to learn 
all my songs." He also foretold that Scabby-round-robe would kill a Snake 
Indian and that he would be given a beaver bundle by one of his own people. 
Afterwards he killed the Snake Indian. Every new moon the beaver man 
would have a ceremony and after the fourth winter moon he asked Scabby- 
round-robe to sing the songs. As he had already learned them he had no 
trouble in singing them. In the seventh, or spring moon, the beaver man 
had another ceremony and as the bundle was opened he asked Scabby- 
round-robe which of the medicine things he wished to have. Scabby- 
round-robe said he wanted the stick which was fastened over the door of 
the tipi. The man said, "My son, you have made a poor selection; pick 
out something that will be of some use to you." Scabby-round-robe said 
he would rather have the stick. After the beaver man had asked the same 
question four times, he said to him, "My son, you are very wise to want 
the stick. The stick you have chosen is my boy and it is very powerful. 
It will be a great help to you. You must take care of it and carry it next 
to the skin under your arm on a string. When you kill the Snake Indian, 
you must hold the stick in front and this will protect you." He also told 
him what song to sing and said, " Before you di\e in the water sing and 
use common earth to paint your head and body." The words of the songs 
were: "When we try hard, we escape danger (or we are saved). W^hen we 
dive we are safe." This refers to beavers when they dive into the water 
and no one can get them. " Xow," said the beaver man, "when you dive, 
bite the stick and you will be able to breathe in the water without difficulty." 
That is why Scabby-round-robe held the stick in his teeth when he went 
across the river after the Snake. After the beaver man had told him about 
the ceremony and the stick Scabby-round-robe went home to his people. 

The beavers kept track of the days of the moons and knew just when it 
was spring for they had counting sticks with which they did this. After 
Scabby-round-robe got home and reached the river where he was to kill 
the Snake Indian he painted his hair and body M'ith dirt and sang: "When 
I try hard, I escape danger." Then biting the stick he waded into the river 
and when close to the opposite shore he stopped and sang, holding the stick 



194 Anthropological Papers Atnerican Mnsinm nf Xahiral History. [\'ol. ^'II, 

in front of him. Tiicn tlu- chiff of the Snake wadt-d in after him and 
Scabby-round-robe backed off, the Snake following. When he got close 
to Scabby-round-robe he struck at him with a lance but missed and hit 
the stick. Then the Snake tried to get to the shore but Scabl)y-rounfl-robe 
took the same lance and killed him with it. Then he bit the stick and hold- 
ing the Snake by his hair, dived down stream with him and swimming under 
water upstream he brought him ashore where liis chum was. After the 
war party returned home he was given a beaver l)undle from the woman's 
husband, that is, the woman he married. 

After this they all returned to their own people. A girl came out to 
meet Scabby-round-robe and he gave her the scalp and the big arrow to 
give to her husband. After this, the big arrow and hair belonged to the 
beaver bundle. This big arrow is used as a pipestem now and is decorated 
with a lot of plumes tied or wrapped around the stem (Fig. 12). The human 
hair is used as a necklace in the sun dance bundle. It is hung from a buck- 
skin string M'ith shells on it. Later on. Glass-old-man, the partner of 
Scabby-round-robe gave him the beaver bundle. All the songs Scabby- 
round-robe knew were put together with the other man's songs. After- 
wards the beaver man asked the man for the natoas (sun dance bundle) 
and gave a good price for it. The natoas was kept with the beaver bundle 
and the songs were combined. The first natoas was given by a bull-elk. 
Smudges for natoas are sweet pine, sweetgrass, and the turnip. 

Tluis, the conception of power conferred l)y the l)eaver may be taken 
as the initial or basic part of the ritual. Yet almost every object in the 
bundle has its own individual myth and, hence, its own ritual. We present 
a number of these as types: — 

(a) 

Once a man was sleeping along a river bank where a yellow-necked 
l)lackl)ird had a nest on the edge of the bank with some young birds in it. 
The l)ank where the nest stood was almost overflowed by the water. Now, 
the man woke up and saw two yellow-necked blackbirds flying around over 
him. He watched the birds and wondered what was the matter. The 
birds alighted near the edge of the bank and one of them sang a song. The 
words were: " I am standing in the water; I am standing by my young ones." 
Then the other bird sang: " I am the one who has been standing in water; 
I want an island." Then the man could see the wat(M- moving away from 
the bird's nest and the bank of the rixcr. Now the bird said to the man, 
"You saw what I dirl to the ri\-er. 1 ha\-e greater power than tlie i)eople 
in the river. I give you my power." Tiie female bird said to tiie man, 



1912.] Wissler, Blmkfonl BnttdUs. 195 

"My power is imich greater. 1 will al.so ^\\v you my power." The man 
went home and asked the people to get for him a pair of yellow-necked lilaek- 
birds since he could not kill any him.self because it was against his medicine. 
This man owned a beaver bundle and when he got the birds he put them into 
it. Ever since they have been in the bundle; the songs are still sung by 
the beaver men. 

(6) 

Once the people had camped at one place for a long time. It happened 
that some mice had made a nest inside of a beaver bundle owned by a 
certain man. It was during the winter. These mice had young ones in 
this nest. The man noticed some mice running about his bundle but he 
did not dare to kill them for it was against his medicine. After a while 
he could hear the young mice squeaking in his bundle, so he said to his 
wife, "Make a smudge and we will open the bundle and see about those 
mice." They were going to do this the next day, but the mice overheard 
the man. That night he had a dream. He dreamed that the mouse came 
to him saying, " You man, have pity on me and do not disturb my young 
ones. We will not injure your bundle, let us winter there. We will be of 
great help to you." The next morning the man told his wife about the 
dream and told her to open the bundle that they might see the mice. The 
woman did so, first making a smudge and praying to the bundle while she 
was untying it. When it was opened they saw eight little mice. The man 
then pulled some wool from his robe, added it to the nest and wrapped up 
the bundle again. That night he prayed to the mice : " I will let you remain 
in my bundle and take good care of you; but you must help me as you have 
promised to do." The mouse came to him in a dream that night and sang: 
"You man, I think a great deal of my children. They are powerful." 
It sang another song as follows: " You, man, sleep in brush; you will have a 
dream; the brush is my home; it is natojiwa." Then the mouse said again 
to the man, "Since you have been so kind to my children you will live 
happily for many summers and winters." The next morning the man 
explained the dream to his wnfe and told her to take good care of the mice 
and that they would be of great aid to them during their lives. 

The people were going to move their camp a short distance. Before 
moving the man said to the mice, " We are going to move." After they had 
pitched their camps, the beaver man went to visit another man. In the 
evening his wife was lying down and heard some one singing. This was 
not a dream but real singing that the woman heard. The words of the 
song were: "Days we travel are (natojiwa) powerful; nights we travel are 
powerful." Then the singer said to the woman, "Since you have been so 



1*M) Anthroimlogicdl Papers American Museinn of Xaltiral History. \\\A. VII, 

kiiul to us I will 1)0 of great use to you." The person who had been singing 
was the mouse and it went out and stole some tobacco from another l)undle 
owner, brought it in and put it on the tobacco board. It was dark and the 
woman <lid not see the t()l)a(((). The man came in and his wife told him 
all about what she had heard. The man said, "It must be the mice 3'ou 
heard singing." It happened that tobacco was scarce in the camps at 
this time and the toliacco the mouse had stolen was the kind the people 
raised. 'V\\v m()\isc liad on crlicard tlie man wishing for some tobacco and 
that was why he stole it. During tiie night the mice stole all the tobacco 
the other beaver l)undle owner had and put it on the tobacco board. When 
the man arose in the morning and was about to make a smudge he saw the 
tol)aeco on the l)oard and wondered how it came to be there. He asked 
his wife al)out it, I)ut she knew nothing. He filled his pipe and began to 
smoke. While lie was smoking he heard someone he could not see say, 
"Give the bundle a smoke." He blew the smoke toward the bundle four 
times and ever since that time beaver men blow smoke towards their 
Ijundles. 

The man now invited the other beaver man to smoke and he was Tiuich 
surprised to see so much tobacco when the others had none, so he said to the 
man, "You never give us any tobacco when you have so much." The man 
then explained how the tobacco came to be there. The guest then said to 
him, "I have sorhe tobacco in my bundle but it is not easily gotten at." 
The beaver man said, "It may be that these mice have stolen this tobacco 
out of your bundle," and suggested that he open his bundle and see whether 
he had any tobacco or not. The guest went home and made a smudge 
and opened his bundle. When he did so he missed his tobacco and he* 
went back at once to the man who had the tobacco and told him al)Out it. 
The nuin said, " It must l)e my mice that stole your tobacco," and sang the 
song that the mice sang. While he was singing one of the mice ran out and 
back again. His wife sang and another mouse ran out. When this man 
heard them sing and saw what happened, he asked the man to teach him 
the songs and give him the same power over the mice. The man did so, 
and since then the mice and their song have been connected with the beaver 
bundle. 

The following accounts for the prairie chicken and ix'ur songs in the 
beaver ritual. It is the story of a contest between the prairie chicken and 
the bear to see which could most frighten all living things: — 

A man once traveled alone in the woods. As he went along a prairie 
chicken said to him, "You see over yonder where those trees are?" The 



1912.] Wisshr, Blnckjool Bundles. 197 

man looked and saw the trees. The chicken said, "There is a bear over 
there with whom I am to have a ccmtest. Come along and see it," and the 
chicken flew on ahead. 

The man went on and came to where the bear and prairie chicken were. 
The bear and the chicken explained to the man the cause for the dispute 
and asked him to judge their contest. The man said he would do so. The 
bear said to the chicken, " You go first and hide and try to frighten me when 
I come upon you." The chicken replied, " No, I will look for you first and 
you try to frighten me and then I will hide and you can look for me." The 
bear hid himself and the chicken went to look for him, while the man fol- 
lowed. Just when the chicken was about to discover the bear he sprang 
upon it with a great roar; but the chicken ducked around underneath the 
bear and did not fly. When it was the chicken's turn to hide, the bear 
was about to step on the chicken when it flew up making a loud noise with 
its wings. This so frightened the bear that he jiimped aside, howling. 
The man decided in favor of the chicken. 

The prairie chicken sang, repeating the same words four times: "I fly; 
my flight is powerful." The bear sang: "My children, take pity on them. 
Now I am going to let them go." The chicken now said to the man, " Since 
my power is much greater than that of the bear I will give it to you together 
with the songs." Then the bear said, "My power is the greater. T will 
give it to you with my songs." 

This is not a dream but is just as it did happen. When the man returned 
home he told the people what he had seen and what powers he had obtained 
from the bear and the chicken. A man who owned a beaver bundle asked 
■this man to transfer the songs and the power to him. The man did this 
and was well paid for it. Since that time these songs have been with the 
other beaver bundle songs. 

{d) 

Another myth of special interest runs as follows: — 
A man who owned a beaver bundle once camped far from any others 
when he went out to hunt. This camp was where a great many prairie 
dogs lived. One morning he said to his wife, " I will go out to hunt and may 
not return until night." They had a little boy who was just old enough 
to talk a little. After the man was gone, the woman said to the child, " I 
must go out and bring in some wood for the fire." After she had been gone 
for quite a long time, the child began to cry and look for its mother, but 
could not find her. In the evening the father came home with a deer and 
found his wife gone and the boy crying. He asked the boy where his mother 
had gone and the boy said that she went after some wood and had not re- 



198 Anthropological Paprrs Atiiericayi Museum of A'alural History. [Vol. \'II, 

turiu'd. 'llif man thru jjicki-d up the 1)()\ . took him to the tipi, cooked some 
meat, and lid him. The hoy cried all ni^dit long. Next morning the man 
went to look for his wife. One of the prairie dog.s asked the man what he 
was looking for. He told the prairie dog he was looking for his wife who 
had heen gone since the day before. The prairie dog told him that his chief 
had taken her into his house. The man then told the prairie dog to tell 
the chief that he wished his wife to come hack and that the little boy had 
cried all night for her. The prairie dog chief refused to give up the woman. 

The man then called on two of the prairie dogs to go and see the chief 
for him. They told the chief that tiiey felt sorry for the little boy, that he 
had cried all night for his mother, and that the man wanted his wife back. 
Again, he refused to let the woman go, saying, "I think this woman very 
nice and shall keep her myself." The dogs went back and told the man what 
the chief had said. Then he called on another prairie dog to go and see 
the chief. This one told the chief that the man wanted his wife back and 
that he felt sorry for the child and its father. This time the chief became 
angry and said that he would not give up the woman but would keep her. 
The dogs went back to the husband and told him what the chief had said. 
He then sent another prairie dog to the chief and again he refused, and the 
dog told the man that they could do no more since the chief was a great 
medicineman. He sent no more men to the chief. 

The father took the boy on his back and went away, feeling very sjmI. 
He came to a lake where there was just enough water to fill the buffalo 
tracks. He came to where a lizard was lying in one of the buffalo tracks 
filled with water. He asked the lizard to help him, saying, "Lizard have 
mercy on me and help me to get my wife back. The prairie dog chief has 
taken her away from me and I sent some prairie dogs to him, but he refused 
to return her. If you will help me I will help you in return. I will take you 
to where there is more water." Thelizard replied, " 1 will lielpyou; I will go 
anrl see about g(>tting your wife hack. Take me ()\er and put me down at 
ihc door of the eliicrs lioine." The man took the lizard to the place where 
tile i)rairie dog chief lived. The li/.ani crawled into the chief's home. 
When the chief saw the li/.ard he knew at once for what he had come for he 
had great power. Tiie elii( 1' said to the lizard, "1 suppose you come for 
this woman." 

This chief had a number of prairie dog wives and there were also some 
visitors at his home. The lizard said to the chief, " I have come here to ask 
you to let this woman go back to her husband." The chief replied, "Oh, 
you ugly thing, how could I listen to a pot bellied thing like you. (iet out 
of IxTc before I burst your bellx." The lizard coiilinued to ask for the 
\vom;ui. The chief then said (juite angrily, " \\ liy don't you get out of 



1912.] Wusler, Blackfool Bundles. 199 

here. I have a <ioocl notion To kick your <;uts out." But the Hzard re- 
peated the same words asking for the woman. He asked him four times 
and each time the chief refused. Then the hzard said again, "Are you 
sure you are not going to give up this woman?" The chief rephed, "Why 
you talk as if you were going to do something al)out it. I shall not let this 
woman go." Again he asked for the woman four times and again at each 
time the chief refused. This made the lizard very angry and he sang a 
song: "You chief, you have hurt my feelings. Chief I am angry." The 
chief then said to the lizard in a mocking way, " You must have great power, 
singing the way you do." The lizard then sang another song, the words 
were: "The earth is my medicine. You men if you do not have mercy on 
me it is all right." Then he sang another song: "Wind, I want rain; 
I want hail." At the end of the song he gave a long yell, and tiien the wind 
began to blow and the rain to fall. It rained harder and harder until it 
washed all of the prairie dogs out of their holes except the chief for he had 
some power and kept the water from coming in. Then came a great hail- 
storm killing a great number of prairie dogs. They all rushed to their 
chief asking him to let the woman go for the hailstorm was killing them 
and they all knew that the lizard had brought on the hailstorm. The chief 
refused to let the woman go. Then his power gave out and the water ran 
into his hole. W'hen the chief saw the water coming in he told the lizard 
he could have the woman if he would stop the storm. Then the lizard 
said to the chief, "Take some sweetgrass and make a smudge with it." 
The water was now all over the chief's place, his fire was out, and he won- 
dered how he could make the smudge when everything was wet. Then the 
lizard told him to put some sweetgrass on top of the water where the fire- 
place was, for the lizard had great power and could read the chief's mind. 
The chief put some sweetgrass on the water over the fireplace and as he did 
so the grass smoked. Then the lizard sang: "Clear weather, T want." 
It cleared up. 

The lizard took the woman back to lier luisband. Wlien the husband 
saw what great power the lizard had he asked if he could use him in his 
beaver bundle. The lizard said he could. The man thought how he could 
keep the lizard in his bundle for the skin would dry up. He said to the 
lizard, " Since you have more power than all other small animals I will paint 
your picture on the rawhide on which I beat my rattles and the people will 
always see your picture first." (Fig. 26.) This pleased the lizard very 
much and made him very proud of himself. The man then took up the 
lizard, and went where there was a large lake and put him into the water. 
The lizard told the man to sing his songs just as he did to the prairie dog 
chief. He told him to sing the songs when he wanted the wind to blow or 



2(K) 



Anlhropological Papers Atncrican Museum of Xalural History. [Vol. VII, 



hailstorms to come and sing otluT songs when lie wished them to stop. 
K\('r since then these songs have been with the heaAcr hnndle and the 




Fig. 26 (50-5420). Uocora 
Butidle Ceremonies. 



1 for beating Katlles in tiie Beaver 



picture of the lizard is painted on the rawhide on which the beaver men 
beat their rattles. 

We feel that here certainly the ritual has been accumulative and that 
the beaver is a true bundle in which are fotind many disconnected creations 
of the Blackfootmind. 

Tobacco Planting. The ceremonial j)lanting and gathering of tobacco 
was formerly an important function among the Blackfoot. So far as we 
know, no account has been given by a white observer, and neither the writer 
nor Mr. Duvall observed the ceremonies. We have collected, however, 
the statements of a number of informants, some of whom had taken part 
in the proceedings.^ One of these seems fairly complete and rinis as fol- 
lows : — 

.\t the planting of the tobacco seed, the beaver men hold a feast to 
which they invite their friends. Eight single young men are sent out to 
gather tleer, antelope and mountain sheep dung. They use this dung be- 
cause these animals run fast and therefore the tobacco will grow rapidly. 
They do not use the dung of the elk and moose because they walk slowly 
anfl woidd delay the growth of the tobacco. The beaver men give a feast 
whieli lasts four days during which they dance and feast. The dung is 
thi-n mashed up together with service berries, and tobacco leaves and water 
are added. All these make the tobacco seed ready to plant. The seed is 
now given out among the planters. To prepare the soil a lot of brush is 



For notes by another informant see Curtis, vol. f. 



1912.] Wissler, Blackfoot Bundles. 201 

gathered by all the men, women, and ehilch-en and spread on the ground. 
At each of the four corners of this place a fire is started, four men watching 
the fire so as to prevent it from spreading further. After all the brush has 
been burnt, they make small brooms of brush with which the place is swept 
clean. Then a number of men procure sticks with curved roots or having 
curves that can serve as handles. The straight end of this stick is sharpened 
and used for digging up the ground. With these sharpened sticks they make 
holes about a foot apart and two inches deep in a row and the ground is 
divided up into sections in which each beaver man plants his seeds. The 
seeds are dropped into these holes, the children covering them up by run- 
ning back and forth over them four times. Should a child fall while doing 
this, ill luck will surely follow, and the child wnll die. After the seeds have 
been planted a smudge is made on the four corners of the plot and the songs 
of the smudge are sung. After the crop is planted the people break camp 
and move away. This place is not fenced in. 

When the camp is moved the people camp at four different places eacii 
of which must be farther away from the planting place. The beaver bundle 
men claim that the niwaxsax (tobacco seed) are human beings about afoot 
tall and that these dwarf people must be treated wtU and well fed. This is 
one reason why the niwaxsax are looked upon as very sacred. At the end 
of the tobacco vine is a bud which is used for seed the next year. The. 
beaver bundle men say that there are four of these tobacco people, single 
men, who wander back and forth between the crops and the camps of the 
beaver men. It is also said that no one must ever try to see them for any- 
one seeing them will sureh- die. There was once a young man who did not 
believe that these dwarf people existed and to satisfy his curiosity, he went 
out some distance from the camp and hid where he thought the dwarfs 
would pass. He had not been waiting very long at this place when he saw 
four young men about a foot tall passing by. Now he believed the beaver 
men and went back to the camp and told what he had seen. Shortly after 
he saw the niwaxsax he died and ever since the people ha^'e been afraid to 
see them. 

When the people reach the fourth camping place in mo\ing away from 
where the tobacco was planted, the wi^•es of the lieaver l)undle men make 
moccasins about two inches long, and prepare bags of food about three 
inches long. During the night these small moccasins and bags of food are 
placed outside where the niwaxsax, or dwarf people, can get them. The 
beaver bundle men speak to the dwarfs as if they could see them and say, 
"Here is some food and moccasins for you. Go back and tend to our 
tobacco crops." The beaver men say that there are such people and when 
these moccasins and the food are put out for them they will soon disappear. 
After this the people spend the time until tlie fall in hunting. 



202 Aitlhropnidfiicdl Piipers Ainrririiii .\fiisiiini of Xahinil History. \\()\. \'II, 

III the fall they all mow hack To wlicrc the tohacco was j)lantc(l, hut 
before reaeliiug the place four young men are sent ahead to examine the 
crop. Each young man goes to a corner of the field where the smudge was 
made and pulls up one of the tol)acco vines. Then they return and show 
them to the i)eavei men, telling the kind of crop they have raised. The 
people all camj) at this place and the Itcaxcr men put up four big tipis, 
putting two tipi covits together. Tlu-y gi\(' a feast and dance lasting four 
days and nights for all the men, women, and children in tlu' camp. After 
this is over the beaver men pull up all th<' plants, the lea\-es are cut up and 
mixed with larh leaxcs and prepared for smoking. The tohacco is then 
distributed to the rest of the people. 

If it should hai)pen that the siunmer season was dry and the hea\-er men 
wished for rain, the otterskin was taken from the bundle and tied to the end 
of a tipi pole, which is placed on the outside but leaning against the tipi, 
with the otterskin fluttering around in the air. The beaver man then makes 
a snuidge and sings a song: "Water is my medicine; rain is my medicine." 
Shortly after they stop singing, it is said, a rainstorm comes and soaks the 
ground and the crops. It is said that the tobacco vines of the Northern 
Blackfoot are much like those of the potato. They still raise tobacco. 
The beavei- l)un(lle and tobacco planting are said to come from the Piegan 
and that the (row and other Indians jjrocured it from them. 

We previously published an origin narrative for this ceremony ' wliich 
differs considerably from the following: — 

A man named White-fingers once camped by liimself along a river. As 
he went out to hunt every day he left his two wives alone at the camp. One 
day they heard a noise as if someone were drumming underneath the earth. 
When he returned they told him what they had heard and he moved camp 
at once. That night he dreamed that a man came to him and said, "You 
had your camp right over our home; we were singing and making medicine. 
We are the bea\er people. Now I ha\e come to give you some of my power 
and some songs and show you liow these songs shoidd be used." The next 
morning the man arose and again went out to hunt. He came to a snow 
bird's nest and as lie stood o\ ci- it watching the young birds, the mother 
bird flew arouml oxer his head. .*^oon he heard the mother bird sing: "Do 
not harm my ehildicii." When he heard this he went away to look for 
some worms and bugs and when he had found them he returned and fed 
the young birds with them. 

That night he had another dream. .\ man came to him saying, "Since 



1912.1 Wisslcr, lilarkfaal liiaidles. 203 

you have been so kind to my cliildren I will -iivc you sonic of my p(nver. 
When you are planting tobacco seed use deer and rabl)it dung and service 
berries. This will enrich the soil." This man was the father of the young 
birds. 

Now then, this man, whose name was White-fingers, after recei\ing the 
power from the bird and learning many songs from the beaver, returned to 
his people. White-fingers said nothing to his people about the power he 
had obtained. Whenever the beaver bundle owners gave their ceremonies, 
he usually attended them and listened to their songs but did not sing him- 
self. The beaver bundle ow^ners thought very little of White-fingers and 
that he only attended their ceremonies to learn the songs. One of the 
men said, "Hereafter, when we have our ceremony, all those who attend 
must sing a song of their own." Of course, this was a hint directed at White- 
fingers w ho said, " I am not afraid to sing my own songs. I Avill sing them 
to you." While he was singing his songs, which the beaxer men had ne\er 
before heard, a lizard crawled into the tipi. This surprised the bea\-er men 
very much for the power of Wliite-flnger was what had caused the lizard 
to crawl into the tipi. Nevertheless, the bundle owners did not believe in 
White-finger's medicine powers and did not pay much attention to him. 
As this happened at the time of the year when the tobacco seeds were to be 
planted, all the beaver men were occupied with preparations for planting 
their seed. White-fingers was going on a few days' hunting trip and asked 
the otfier beaver men to wait until his return so he could plant his seed 
together with them, as they usually planted all at the same time. As 
soon as he left, they planted their seed and had finished when he returned. 
White-fingers was very angry and said to the men, "You have treated me 
unkindly, and in consequence, your tobacco will never grow." Then he 
went out alone and planted his seed near where the others had planted. 
He used the rabbit and deer dung and service l)erries as the birds had advised 
him. Then he returned to the camp. 

In the fall of the year the people mo\ed to where thv'w crojis were 
planted. They sent four young men ahead to see how the crops had grown 
and they returned with the report that White-fingers had raised fine tobacco 
but that all the other crops had not grown at all. When the beaver bundle 
owners heard this, they were very sorry they had ill-treated White-fingers. 
He said to them, "I don't wish anyone to pull up my tobacco plants." 
In spite of what he said, one of the men stole some of the tobacco vines 
during the night and began to smoke. He had not been smoking very long 
when he became very ill. All the medicinemen failed to cure him so they 
called in White-fingers who sang a song and a lizard crawled out of the 
thief's mouth with small pieces of tobacco in its mouth and the man re- 



204 Antfinip<il(i(jic(il P(i/)crs American Museum of Natuial Ilislnry. [Vol. VII, 

coviTt'd. Wliiti'-fin^'crs said to the people, "This iiuui has stolen some of 
my tobiiceo. My lizard went down into his stomach to get the stolen 
tohacco." As the lizard spit out small pieces of tobacco, the people have 
always kept small 'ouckskin hags of tobacco seed ever since that time. 
These were to represent the small wads of tobacco in the lizard's mouth. 

When the bea\er men realized how powerful a medicineman White- 
fingers was, they all respected him. He showed them how to get better 
crops and taught them many new beaver songs and became a very great 
man among the beaver bundle owners. He was known as The-man-who- 
planted-tobacco-on-the-plains. Long afterwards, the tobacco planters 
often prayed to White-finger's spirit when they wished to raise good crops 
of tobacco. Therefore, it is said that White-fingers helped in increasing 
the l)('a\er bundle songs and improving the tobacco planting. 

Wiien the ground was to be prepared for planting the tobacco seed, a 
lot of buffalo chips were gathered and spread over the ground which was to 
be cultivated and then they were set on fire. After they had been burned 
willows were tied in a large bundle and dragged back and forth a number of 
times. These were used to loosen the earth and mix the ashes with the soil. 
Then some sticks with curved ends were used as hoes to loosen the soil. 
Then each man took a sharp pointed stick, and dug holes in the ground, 
in a row, one not far from the other. The tobacco seeds were placed in 
these and small mounds of dirt made over them like potato hills. 'When 
the tobacco was ripe in the fall of the year, the vines were pulled up, dried, 
and used for smoking. It is said that there is a bud that grows on the vines 
that contains the seeds used the next year. After the seeds are planted,, 
the place is fenced in, and left until the fall. — Duvall. 

Calling the Buffalo. From what we can learn, the beaver men were 
usually called upon to charm the buffalo near and to make medicine at 
the drive. ^ The buffalo rock bundle (iniskim) was also a medicine for con- 
trolling the movements of the buffalo; but it is not clear as to what associa- 
tions it had with the beaver (p. 244). An experienced beaver man gave 
us the following account of the ceremony as performed by his cult. 

When in the winter the l)uffalo have drifted far away and the snow is 
so deep that the people cannot go out to hunt, they call on the owners 
of beaver bundles to bring them back. They give tobacco to the owners 
who in\ite a number of old men and women competent to assist in the 
ceremony and who have offered many prayers during their lives. Younger 
people lire not iinited. In the evening they assemble and take seats in 



1912.1 Wissler, Blackfool Btuidles. 205 

the owner's tipi. When once seated, they nuist not change positions and 
give strict attention to the leader, or owner. First a smudge of sweetgrass 
is made, then the singing begins in which all take part. 

Old Woman, she has come in with lia])i)in('ss. 
Old Man, he has come in with gladness. 
Man, lie has come in with happiness. 
Buffalo, them I have taken. 
It is powerful. 

Buffalo, you get up that all may see you. 
It has been long since we could make you out. 
Buffalo, they are away on top of yonder mountains. 
Buffalo, they are powerfully (natoji) coming down. 
That below, it is their medicine. 

Buffalo, on mountains they are powerfully (natoji) sitting. 

Buffalo, they are powerfully arising and powerfully coming down. 

That below, it is their medicine. 

Buffalo, they are powerfully running down. 

That below, it is their medicine. 

Buffalo, they are down on the earth. 

Buffalo, they are running around. 

That below, it is their medicine. 

Buffalo, they say, the groimd where we are running about. 

That there, it is our medicine. 

Buffalo, they say, the ground where we arc powerfuU}- sitting. 

That there, it is our medicine. 

By this time the half of a buffalo rawhide, split down the back has been 
placed before the men to handle the rattles. The flattened stiff hide gives 
the rude profile of a buffalo and should lie with the head toward the door 
and the back toward the fire. Then the bag containing the rattles is held 
up as they sing: 

Buffalo, them I have taken. 

Buffalo, they are powerfully starting and looking about for a powerful place to sit. 

(With these words the bag is placed upon the rawhide). 

Buffalo, them I have taken [bag untied]. 

Buffalo, I am in a hurry [rattles taken out). 

Now, as I said before, those taking part must sit very still, which is 
tiresome. So the owner prays to the cranes as follows : — " Cranes, we are 
tired sitting still. We want to in()\(> about, ^'ou must liear our prayers 
and help us." Then everyone in the tipi mo\es or changes his position, 
stretches his legs out for a while and moves about in his seat. Then they 
sit as before. A smudge of sweetgrass is made. The owner prays to the 
ravens: "Help me, ravens, with your good luck. I am about to sing your 
songs." 



21HJ Anthropological Papers American Museum of Xutural History. [\o\ VII, 

Tluit above, it is the raven's medicine. 
The wind, it is the raven's medicine. 
The raven, he is looking for buffalo. 
He hius found them, he has taken them. 
Buffalo, them 1 have taken. 

With these words the men take hold of the rattle handles, holding them 
.so that the balls rest upon the rawhide and give the call of the raven. Each 
man liolds a pair of handles with his left hand, as they sing: — 

Raven, he is looking around on the ground for a dead buffalo to eat. 

He has found it. It is powerful. 

Then the men holding the rattles, still in the same position, peck with 
the right index finger twice on each rattle ball and at each call once like 
the raven. 

Raven, he says when on the ground. 

It is powerful. 

I am looking about on the ground for a dead buffalo to eat. 

I have found it. 

It is powerful. 

.Again the rattles are pecked four times and four raven calls given. 
Then the rattles are laid on the rawhide with the balls toward the fire. 

Raven, he says, I am looking for a powc^rful dead buffalo to eat. 
I have found it. 

Then the men peck again at the rattles four times and call on the raven, 
hut the rattles are not picked up. 

Men (those present), they are my chihlrcii who are looking at me. 

It is powerful. 

Women, they are looking at me, they are my children. 

It is pow(M-ful. 

Then, as the owner holds both lumds over the smudge he sings: "Rattles 
become me," meaning he looks well when using them, "Rattles I have 
taken," etc. They take up the rattles and make four passes as if to beat 
them on the rawhide; then begin to beat. All the time there is singing. 
At the end of this song all hold the rattles up, shaking them steadily and 
at the same time bring them down, cro.ssing the arms and resting the rattles 
on the rawhide. 

.\()W. tlic next song is for the bunch of bulValo hoofs and a tail in the 
b.av.^r bundle. 

hutlalo, they are powerfully arising and powerfully starting. Shaking 
the iioofs, tliey are laid down. The owner and his wife imitate the buffalo 
by butting at each other and bellowing. The owner slaps his right hand 
on the flust, then on his left wrist, elbow, and shoulder; then with the left 



1912.] Wushr, Blackjnot Bnudhx. 207 

hand this is repeated on tlie right arm; then he ships hoth hands in the dust, 
then on his cheeks and on the foreheacL The wife does the same. All 
this time there is singing, "Dust, it is the huffah) me(Heine." The mean- 
ing of all this is that the buflfalo is painting, as when he throws dirt upon 
himself. Then the man takes up the hoofs in his left hand, shakes them 
over his wrist, elbow and shoulder; then takes them in his right hand, etc. 
He throws them down. His wife takes them up and goes through the same 
movements. Then she stands up with the hoofs. The owner stands with 
the tail. They dance, shaking the hoofs and the tail, prancing around to 
the right of the fire, acting and bellowing like buffalo. They circle the fire 
eight times, then take their seats and place the hoofs and tail upon the 
bundle. While handling the dust, they sing, "The buffalo's road: it is 
powerful." While prancing about, "When buffalo go to drink; it is 
powerful." 

Now, the next songs are the most powerful in the beaver bundle and are 
only used to handle the buffalo. They are called charming-the-bufl'alo 
songs and must not be sung in any ceremony except this one and then 
only when the people are facing starvation. A smudge is made. A black 
stone pipe filled with tobacco raised by the beaver men, the stem painted 
with the seventh paint, is handed the owner. He holds the stem up toward 
the sun, "Sun, here is a smoke for you. The reason I am going to sing 
these songs is that I may fool the buffalo into coming back here. Old 
Woman, (moon), here is a smoke for you. I shall sing these songs to try 
to bring back the buffalo, so that we may all be made happy with food." 
Then he holds the pipe toward the mountains, " He-who-causes-winds-to 
blow, here is a smoke for you. Help me that my wish may be fulfilled for 
I am going to look for buffalo." (During this prayer, if the wind is blowing, 
it will cease.) Then, he hands the pipe to one of the men and all stretch 
out their arms toward the owner and then place them upon their breasts, 
making the receiving signs and crying out, "Our hopes are that we shall 
all be made happy in the morning with plenty of meat." 

Then a wooden bowl, filled with snow is placed near the smudge. Point- 
ing up with his right thumb, the owner sings, " Above there is a man who 
hears me; it is powerful," then with his left hand on the ground, "The 
earth hears me; it is powerful. I want it to blow in different directions." 
Then a change will be noticed in the wind. The owner takes up the hoofs 
and the tail, dips them in the snow, holds them up and shakes them. Then 
the wind will come from the direction in which the buffalo are. It will 
bring a very cold snowstorm, driving the buffalo toward the camp. They 
sing, " Buffalo, they are uncertain in their traveling. Buffalo are coming 
straight to us, I have taken them," and close with the receiving sign and a 
prolonged na-a-a. 



208 AHlhropological Papers Ameriairi M ii.snan of Xdlurdl History. [\o\. VII, 

A prayer, "Sun, lu-lp us that all the cliiKlrcn may ha\'e plenty of food 
in the morning," is followed by — 

Old Man says, buffalo are coining this way. 

I have received them. 

It is powerful. 

Old Woman says, etc. 

Man says, etc. 

Young-single-man says, etc. 

This is repeated and all end with the reeei\in^^ signs and na-o-oo. Twice 
again these songs are sung. 

Now, one of the men is sent out to announce that all are expected to 
stay indoors during the night. Then comes the fifth charming song: 

Old Man says, buffalo are coming this way, 
I have taken them; it is powerful. 
Old Woman says, etc. 
Man says, etc. 
Young-single-man, says etc. 

Then the sixth song: 

Old Man says buffalo arc here. I have taken them; it is powerful. 
Old Woman, etc. 
Man, etc. 
Young-single-man, etc. 

Now, at this song all the dogs in the camps begin to bark and the people 
know that in the storm the buffalo are drifting by. Then comes the seventh 
song: 

Old Man, he says, I am telling what is true. 

That above, he hears me. 

It is powerful. 

I am telling what is true. 

That below, he hears me. 

It is powerful. 

Old Woman, she says, buffalo I have received. 

It is powerful. 

Man, he says, hulTalo 1 have taken. 

It is powerful. 

Young-single-man, he says, etc. 

Now this ends the ceremony. The next morning one of the young men 
goes up to the drive and drives the buffalo into the pound. As soon as they 
are killed some one hands an icicle in to the owner. This he thrusts into 
the ashes of the fireplace and, going outside, throws it to the east. At 
once, the weatlu-r moderates, making it more comfortable for the butchers. 
(This is still practised.) To this may be added the comments of Mr. 



1912.] Wis.^lcr, BUtckJonl Bundles. 209 

Duvall: — The charming cciTinoiiy of the heaver l)un(lle owners is performed 
in the evening and not only hrings the herd of huffalo near hy but causes 
it to drift right through the camps. As all of the songs are for the same 
purpose, the last seven songs are considered more powerful and are not 
sung in ordinary ceremonies. It seems that the iniskim is left out. The 
wolf songs are the charming songs for the warriors, while the buffalo hoof 
and tail songs are used for charming buffalo. If the buffalo should be to 
the west of the people when charming them a wind will blow from the west; 
if the buffalo are north of the camps the wind will blow from the north; 
and if the buffalo are south or east of the camps the wind will blow from 
these directions, for it is the wind and storms that drive thcin to the people. 



The Natoas, or Sun Dance Bundle. 

A very important bundle passes under the name natoas, seemingly 
derived from natosiw^ and mas, sun power and turnip {Lithospermum 
linearifolium) . It is primarily a woman's bundle in that the husband takes 
the second place in its ceremonies, whereas in most others the wife takes 
the lesser function. There are two of these bundles in the Museum col- 
lection, one of them being rather old and quite complete. 

There are a number of natoas bundles in use. The writer has definite 
knowledge of eight and has every reason to believe that there are others. 
While these are not exact duplicates, the variations are in the minor parts, 
especially in the accessories. A man or woman who has long been familiar 
with every detail of the ceremony may, in time, venture to make up a new 
bundle. The determination and the initiative seems to rest with them, 
though they seldom undertake such a feat except at the request of some 
person desiring a natoas. The writer knows of one case in which a Piegan 
man with the assistance of his wife made up a bundle. On another occasion 
a Blood woman offered to make up such a Ijundle for the writer; she claimed 
to have made others now in use and to keep on hand a supply of the necessary 
materials. No detailed information was collected bearing upon the con- 
ditions governing such duplications, but it was stated that several days 
would be required for the work and the attending ceremonies. Songs 
belonging to the ritual are sung almost continuously, interspersed with 
prayers and purification ceremonies. 

The most complete bundle in the Museum contains the following: — 
sacred headdress for the sun dance woman, bag of badger skin for the sacred 
headdress, a digging stick to accompany the headdress, a case of rawhide 
for the headdress and l)ag of badger skin, a shawl for covering the bundle. 



'10 Anlltrojjdlogicdl Papers American Mosmtn nf Xalural lli.stori/. [\o\. VII, 




Kig. 27 {50-Cl06tl, c). The sacrwl Ui^giiiK Stick and llio Case for llie Xutoas. 



1912.) Wissler, Blackfoot Bundles. 211 

bladder bags for feather bunches of the headdress when in the bag of badger 
skin, a bundle containhig skins of animals, weasel skin, squirrel skin, another 
weasel skin, and gopher skin. In addition, the following accessories are 
necessary: — a paint and smudge outfit, bag of rawhide for holding the 
same; one bag of red paint, two bags of seventh paint, three bags of tallow 
for mixing paint, one bag of yellow paint, two bags of black paint, material 
for the smudge, a bladder bag containing scraps of skin, etc., for mending, 
seven rattles, a Nez Perce bag for the seven rattles, rawhide upon which 
rattles are beaten, smudge sticks, straight pointed stick, a small two-pronged 
stick, a large three-pronged stick, a tripod for supporting the bundle, 
a strap for the main bundle, and a specially decorated elk skin robe. 

The headdress and the digging stick are the important objects. The 
latter is painted red and should have some moose hoofs fastened on the 
end (Fig. 27). The headdress is built upon a strip of buffalo rawhide, cut 
to represent a lizard. In many cases it is painted red for half its length and 
blue on the other half. The edge is hung about with strips of white weasel 
skin. In front is what is spoken of as a doll, containing tobacco seeds, and 
a weasel stuffed with human hair, or scalplocks. At the back should be the 
tail of a wildcat. A flint arrow point is hung to the doll's head. On some 
headdresses there is a small bird at the back. A pair of tall plumes and a 
pair of eagle or raven feather tufts, complete the regalia (Fig. 28). 

Like the medicine-pipe, the natoas is covered with a shawl and suspended 
from a tripod; though it differs in that it is kept in a cylindrical rawhide 



Relation to the Beaver Bundle. It is the general belief that the natoas 
was at one time a part of the beaver bundle. In Vol. 2, p. 83 will be found 
versions of its origin myth which agree in the main with some other versions 
we collected. The gist of the matter is that an elk gave the liundle after 
an affair of seduction with, in some versions a woman, in some an elk, etc. 
So far as we know, the most authentic account is one handed down by 
Head-carrier, a famous beaver man : — 

For some time, a bull elk had been looking for his wife who hnd run o'f 
with another bull elk. Since he failed to find her he filled his pipe and going 
to the different animals, offered them a smoke if they would help him. 
They all refused to smoke. Finally, he came to the moose and the raven 
and after he had explained his trouble to them they smoked his pipe and 
offered to help him. As they were in the mountains and the timber was 
very thick it was not an easy task to find the runaway elks. Raven said 
to them, "As I can get over more ground in a day, than you can I will go 



» A photograph of another natoas outfit may be found in Curtis, Vol. 6, 46. 



212 Antliroijoliiijlcdl I'djx rs Anicriaiii Museum of Xaturtil Ilistury. [\o\. \ll, 

Ijack aiul look for them while you two wait for lue." When Raven was gone 
four days he came upon the runaway elks and as he had great power he 
charmed them so that they could not get away from the place where he 
found them. Hi' went hack to Elk and Moose and told them that he had 
found the runaways. As Elk was afraid of the elk for whom he was looking 
he asked ^Vloose what power he had and Moose replied, " I have the power 
to .strike with great force." Then Elk said, "My horns are so powerful 
that I can hook with great force." Raven overheard their talk and knew 
that they were afraid of the elk whom they were to meet soon. He said to 
them, " Do not fear him for his power is not great, and we will overpower 
him without much difficulty." 

As they started. Raven fiew on ahead of them and Moose said, "Our 
friend Raven talks as though he could do something. He has wings only. 
How can he help us fight the elk?" After the}' had tra\eled for some 
distance through the timber they came to some Cottonwood trees. Raven 
returned and said, " You .see, over yonder by that cottonwood tree, are the 
bull elk and your wife." When Elk looked he saw them. Elk was now in 
the lead with ^Sloose following clo.se behind him. P'lk and Moose sang 
and every step that Moose made, his feet sank deeper and (k'ei)cr into the 
groimd which was very hard for he had great power. 

.\s Elk approached the tree where the bull elk and his wife were stand- 
ing he liooked the tree three or four times and knocked ott" large chips. 
Elk was hooking at the tree because he was very angry and wished to kill 
the bull elk. Then ]Moose struck at the tree with his feet and knocked off 
large chips. The bull elk who ran away with Elk's wife hooked the tree 
and threw it down. When Elk and Moose saw what the bull elk had done 
they were greatly surprised and did not care to fight him. Moose said to 
Elk, " Let us make friends with this elk for his power is much greater than 
ours." Raven said to his friend, "Do not be afraid of this bull elk, his 
power is not so great. We three can overpower him if we try." Then 
Moose said to Elk, " Let us be friendly with this elk for his strength is much 
greater than ours. Besides, what can Ravin do to help us fight; he only 
has a pair of wings and his heavy curved bill." Elk replied, "You are 
right. I will give him my robe and mj' bonnet." Then Moose said, "I 
will gi\e him my hoofs," and Raven added, "I will give my tail feathers 
though I know we could overcome him and could avoid giving these gifts. 
I was going to light upon his head and peck out his eyes one by one. Then 
you and Moose could have gone after iu'm and as he would have been blind 
you could have done as you pleased with him. Since ^Nloose is such a coward 
and you have decided to make peace with the elk and give such gifts to him 
ill order to get your wife, we will do .so." 



1912. 



Wisfilcr, Blackfoot Binidles. 



213 







Fig. 28 (50-6166a, 50-5394). The Natoas. or Sun Dance Headdress and the Hair-lock 
Necklace. 



214 Anthrnpnlogiciil I'dprrs Amcricati Miit^ciim of Natural History. [Vol. ^'II, 

AVlifii l-'.lk and Moose heard this they wore wry sorry they had not 
fouj^lit the l)ull elk and wanted to fight then. Raven said, "No, we will 
not fight liiin. Do as you have offered; give him the elk robe, bonnet, 
teeth wristlets, and moose hoofs and I will give my tail feathers." The 
bull elk who had run away with Elk's wife overheard their talk and thought 
to himself for he was very much afraid of Raven, " I will accept their offer 
and give up his wife." When Elk gave him the elk ro})e and dress, the 
bonnet and wristlets, the moose hoofs and ra\en feathers, he gave up his 
wife, took the things, and went on his way. 

Tlic bonnet they had given him was the holy tiirnii) bonnet, or natoas. 
The feathers stuck in the bonnet represent the prongs of the horns. The 
buckskin dress, rol)e, and bonnet and the other things were for women to 
wear and as this bull elk had no wife the things were useless to him. While 
he was going along one day he saw a tipi and thought he would give the 
things to the man who lived there. He changed himself to a man, went 
into a tipi, gave the things to the man and taught him the whole ceremony. 
He told him a small Cottonwood tree must be used in the ceremony and that 
the hooking motions should be gone through with. This tree was to repre- 
sent the large tree that the elk and moose had tiirown down wlien they 
were testing their power. 

The num who had received the bonnet and other things was the owner 
of a beaver bundle and as he had a wife she used the robe, dress, and bonnet 
during their ceremonies. When the people gave the sun dance they used 
to march towards the medicine, or sun dance lodge in single file going very 
slowly and stopping four times just as they do nowadays. The women 
who made the vow for the medicine lodge in those days only wore a circle 
band of creeping juniper as a headdress and when they saw how fine the 
beaver bundle owner's wife looked in her dress and bonnet, the medicine 
lodge women generally borrowed the bonnet and clothes when they gave the 
sun dance.' Later, the medicine lodge woman bought the bonnet, robe, 
dress, the elk teeth wristlets, the moose hoofs, and the raven feathers from 
the beaver bundle owners and had them transferred together with the songs. 
This is how the natoas came to be in the beaver bundle and was later on 
given to ttic inrdicinc woman in the sun dance. ^ 

Otlier informants are (|uite agreed that there was a time when the 

' It is an old sayinj? tliat Scar-face brought down the custom of wearing a head band of 
juniper for the medicine woman and the tradition that this was displaced by the natoas is 
generally regarded as authentic. 

' One informant .states: the first beaver bundle was owned by the man who gave tlie 
bundle to Hcabby-round-robe; ne.xt was the man camped near .St. Mary's Lake, whose wife 
went into the beaver den: then the natoas was put into the bundle; the next owner was the 
man who rai.sed tobacco (Plants-on-the-plains) ; next the dij^ging stick was added; later, the 
natoas was separated from the bundle. 



1912.] Wissin; Blarkjool liundkx. 21.') 

natoas was a part of the heaver handle and that, thou^di it was afterwards 
separated again, there is still a eonnection hetween their rituals. When 
in the beaver bundle, it is worn by the owner's wife during the ceremony. 
It may be, that as powerful medicinemen the beaver owners tried to 
monopolize all ceremonial functions, such as tobacco planting, charming 
the buffalo, the natoas, taking in, as many narratives suggest, anyone who 
appeared with a powerful ritual. Such a theory seems fully consistent 
with our data. 

While the elk-woman is e\-erywhere recognized as the originator of the 
natoas, it will be noted that the woman who married a star is also credited 
with having contributed the digging stick, the plumes, or leaves of the 
turnip. The latter seems to have given the name, natoas.^ In some 
versions Scar-face is regarded as the child of this woman and also an origi- 
nator of the bundle.^ Scabby-round-robe is said to have added the arrow 
point and the beaver men the tobacco seed, or dwarfs, in the doll's head. 

The Ritual. In the transfer of this bundle the woman to receive it and 
her husband are taken in charge by a man and wife competent to conduct 
the ceremony, the man leading. These leaders are spoken of as the trans- 
ferrers, and the other couple as son and daughter. The woman and man 
giving the bundle are spoken of as mother and father. In addition, a num- 
ber of men and women are invited to enter the tipi and assist in the cere- 
mony. As in all ceremonies the men sit on the north side, the women on 
the south. The son antl daughter sit at the rear and next to them the 
transferrers. It opens with the smudge song:— 

1. The spring (?) grass, I am looking for it. It is powerful. 
I have found it: I have taken it. It is powerful. 

2. Old man is coming in. He says, let us have a sweat. 

Old man, he says, a running fisher I want, a white buffalo robe I want. 

3. Old woman is coming in. She says, etc. 

4. Morningstar is coming in. He says, let us have a sweat. 
Morningstar, he says, a running fisher I want, tail feathers I want. 

o. Man is coming in. He says, let us have a sweat. 
Man, he has brought safety in with him. 

6. Old man, he says, black and white buffalo robes I want. \.vt us have a 

sweat . 

7. Old woman, she says, black and white wolf liides I waiU. Let us have a 

sweat. 

« Vol. 2. 58. 

! McClintock, 492-5. 



210 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural Hidory. [\o\. \l\, 

S. Old man is coming in. He says hurry to make me a sweat house. 

He has come in with happiness; he wants a different (?) sweat house made. 
(A smudge is made.) 

9. Old woman, she has come in witli liapi)iness. 
She wants a different sweat house made. 
Man is coming in. He wants to have a sweat. 

10. Momingstar is coming in with many things. 

(The idea is that he brings in many robes, clothes, etc.) 

11. Old man, he says, this man wants some tail feathers. 
(Song for the tail feathers used in the ceremony.) 

12. Old man, he wants tail feathers. 

13. Old man, he says, a hundred tail feathers I want. 

14. Old woman, she says, different kinds of tail feathers I want. 

1.5. Old man, he says, make haste to give me tail feathers. 

Old woman, she says, give me another kind of tail feathers. 

If). Old man, he .says, give me a white buffalo robe. 

17. Old woman, she says, give me a different kind of elk robe. 

15. That there above, it sees me. It is powerful. 

Old woman, she sings, I have seen the ground. It is powerful. 
(Song refers to making the smudge place.) 

The toe of a new moccasin is used for levelling the smudge place. At 
this time it is taken up l)y the transferrer as No. 19 is .sung and touched to 
the smudge place, the loose earth being then smoothed over. The trans- 
ferrer then takes up the tail feathers as No. 20 is sung. 

19. Buffalo, I have taken them. It is powerful. 

20. Old man, he says, make haste to mark me. 

Old woman, she says, mark me in a different place. 

Morningstar, he says, mark me in a different place. 

Old man, he says, paint me now (the yellow paint). 

Old woman, she says, paint me with different paint (the black paint). 

Morningstar, he says, paint me different (the sun dog symbols). 

21. Man, he says, I am powerfully standing on tlic mountains. It is powerful. 
I am powerfully coming down. 

In summer, I powerfully come down. 
I am powerfully standing on the earth. 

(The .song is for the rawhide upon which the rattles are beaten.) 

22. I atu in a hurry. (Song for the rattles.) 

23. Raven says, I am looking for the buffalo. 
I have taken them. 

(The rawhide being spread out before the men, they take the rattles in their 
hands.) 



1912.] Wisder, Bhickfnol Bundles. 217 

24. Raven says, on the ground I am looking for something to cat. I luive 

found it. 
It is powerful. 

25. Old man, he says, I look well with the rattles. I have taken them. (Beat- 

ing with rattles begins.) 

26. Old man, he says, the timber I am looking for it. I have found it. I have 

taken it. 
(Then the father takes up the smudge stick and as a new smudg(> is made 
sings No. 27.) 

27. May my lodge be put up without mishap. (The sun dance shelter.) 

28. Man, it has been a long time now. You get up. (The natoas bundle.) 

29. Old man comes in and sits down. He says, I am looking for my natoas. 
I have found it. It is powerful. 

30. Old woman has come in. She says I am looking for my natoas. I have 
found it. It is powerful. 

31. Old man, he says, my natoas I have taken up. It has given me j)ower. 

32. Old woman says, the natoas I have carried it on my back. It has given me 
power. It is powerful. 

33. My natoas, I have taken up. It has started. It has stopped. It wants to 

sit in a powerful place. 
(The father lays the bundle down with appropriate movements.) 

34. The earth is my home. It is powerful. 

My natoas I am looking for. It is powerful. 

(The badger's song, referring to the inner wrapping of the bundle now 
exposed.) 

35. Old woman says, why do I not see my natoas which is powerful. 

36. Old man, he says, those women looking at me are wise. (The women in 

the ceremony.) 

At this point in the ritual the natoas is taken from the badger skin. 
The bundle is held up and shaken with the next song. 

37. My natoas wants to shake itself. 

38. Man says, tail feathers I want. 

My natoas says in a powerful place I want to sit. 
Old woman says, why do I not see my natoas. 

39. Black tail deer is running about. It is powerful. 
(The cloth wrappings on the natoas are removed.) 

40. Weasel is running about. He is my headdress. It is powerful. 
(The skins on. the natoas.) 

41. Boys are running about. It is powerful. 

(Refers to the doll containing tobacco seed, or "dwarfs.") 

42. Teal (duck) says the water is my medicine. It is powerful. 
(Refers also to the water ouzel.) . , 



2 is AnthropoUxjical Papers American Museum of Xalural History. [Vol. VII, 

4.3. Man says I want a bufTalo tail. 
(The tail tuft on the natoas.) 

44. Lizard says, yonder man, I am angry now. 

45. My necklace, I have taken it; it is powerful. 
Man says, scalplock, I want it. 

(Refers to the special scalplock necklace used with this bundle.) 

41). Elk are running about. It is powerful. 

(Refers to the woman's dress which should be of elk hide.) 

47. My robe I have given you. (The elk robe.) 

48. The earth is my medicine. It is powerful. 
(Refers to the white earth paint.) 

49. I am looking for the timber. I have found it. I have taken it. It is 

powerful. 

At this point u small cottomvood tree is broufjiit into the tipi hy an 
assistant to whom tlie transferrer hands an ax. He stands holding both 
whih" some one of the men present recounts four war deeds, then sharpens 
the butt. 

50. The timber is looking for a powerful place to sit. 

Then the tree is stuck into the ground on the south side of the fireplace 
toward the rear of the tipi. The leader's wife takes up the headdress, then 
the daughter takes hold also, both making dancing movements with their 
bodies and then hanging the headdress on the tree as they sing: — 

51. I am looking for timber on which to sit. 

Then follows a song without words during which the leader's wife takes 
the headdress from the tree, puts it on her head, her body swaying with 
the rhythm of the singing, makes hooking motions at the tree, rubs her 
head up and down the limbs and then places the headdress upon the daughter. 
During this time the mother makes the whistling sound of the elk. This 
is readily understood from the origin myth. 

53. I am looking for my medicine. I have taken it. ll is powerful. (The 

digging stick.) 

54. Buffalo I have taken. They are looking for a powerful place to sit. 
(The dew claws are tied to the end of the stick.) 

55. The powerful turnip is what I am digging up. 

The song ends with the crane call and the leader's wife holds the stick 
on her back, then makes four passes towards the smudge place and places 
the stick in position on the daughter's back. 

As the daughter is now arrayed in the sacred objects, her husband, or 
the son, is made ready for his part. As his robe is taken off and he is painted 
by the transfcrriT, they sing: — 



1912.] Wisdcr, Blackjool Bundles. 219 

56. This man's robo, I have taken it. 

57. Old man says, take some of the black [paint]. 
This man, I paint him powerfully. It is powerful. 

58. Sun dogs (or sun ])ainting) I want it. 

59. A painting song without words. 

60. Buffalo trail, it is powerful. I am traveling on it. 

The son is first painted over his entire l)ody and face with charcoal. 
Then with the finger tip the transferrer marks on his breast a half moon, 
on his back a circle for the sun, a bar on each cheek, the chin and forehead, 
for the sun dogs. Then a line across the face at the bridge of the nose as 
they sing No. 60. Then a circle is made around each wrist and ankle. 
He then hands the son his robe as they sing: — 

61. You, man, I give you your robe. 

62. This man says, feathers I want. (Tail feathers are tied in his hair.) 

63. Man wants a scalplock.' (Necklace put on.) 

64. I am looking for my whistle. I have found it. 
It has whistled. It has a powerful sound. 

65. I want a bow. (Scar-face received a bow when in the house of the sun.) 

66. I want an arrow. 

At this point four bunches of sage grass are placed about two feet apart 
to the north of the fireplace.- At this song the leader, his wife, son, and 
daughter rise. The leader takes hold of the son's right leg and makes four 
passes toward the first bunch of sage. The woman does likewise with the 
daughter. Then the pair are made to step from one bunch to the other. 
Now the leader takes the lead, the son next, then the daughter, then the 
leader's wife and all file out for the procession. 

Since what follows is an integral part of the sun dance, tliis may properly 
be considered the ending of the natoas ritual. The other ceremonies such 
as the vow to give this demonstration and to initiate the sun dance will be 
taken up under their respective heads. It may be sufficient to add that the 
foregoing ritual is demonstrated to transfer the natoas to a new owner. 
This may occur irrespective of a sun dance. 

The altar, or smudge place, for this ritual is perhaps the most elaborate 
known to the Blackfoot (p. 256). A hole about three feet square is exca- 

' A special necklace i.s used with this ceremony. It is a simple string bearing eight black 
beads, two small long cyUnders of shell and in the middle a .small lock of hair. The belief 
is that this necklace was given to Scar-face when he visited the house of the sun and in recog- 
nition of his having killed certain enemies. 

2 Both the son and daughter have some sage inside their moccasins during the cere- 
monies. 



22() Anthroijological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [\o\. VII, 

vjiteil to tilt' (k'ptli of six iiulu-s witli clean cut sides. The sod is taken off 
in strips about two hands wide antl formed into a wall or border on all 
sides of the hole save that to the east. The top of this is covered with creep- 
ing juniper. The loose earth is placed outside at the rear of the tipi. The 
bottom of the hole is covered with a thin layer of fine light colored earth. 
At each end of the sod wall a circular smudge place is cleared to the depth 
of alxmt three inches. On the bottom of the hole is a dry painting of the 
moon in yellow with a black stripe at the middle. On each side is a band, 
the upper part yellow, the lower black, said to represent sun dogs. The 
smudge place to the left represents the morningstar; that to the right 
mistaken-morningstar, or Scar-face. The three foot smudge tongs lie on 
the north side near the sod wall. In painting the designs, they are first 
lightly traced out with an eagle tail-feather,^ then boldly marked with the 
toe of a new moccasin for the right foot. 

The daughter is painted at the beginning of the ceremony with a white 
spot on the forehead, one on each cheek, one on the robe over the shoulders, 
on the elbows and wrists. After the painting the hands are wiped upon 
sage grass. The robe she wears in the first part of the ceremony is painted 
red, to symbolize the sky at sunset, it was said. 

SuMmanj. We believe the preceding data warrant the assumption 
that the beaver ritual is not only composed of numerous small accretions, 
but has assimilated such elaborate ritualistic procedures as tobacco-plant- 
ing, the natoas, and calling the buft'alo. The keepers of the bundles seem 
to have exercised many of the usual shamanistic functions and to have 
been held in respect. Traditional as well as internal features of this ritual 
.suggest its relative antiquity in origin; at least, it presents most adequately 
the almost universal tri,bal type of individually owned rituals. 

Painted-Tipis. 

In any Blackfoot camp one may see a relatively great number of deco- 
rated tipis. The designs and pictographic features conform closely to one 
conventional style, but what is of special interest, with each decorated 
tipi is associated a distinct ritual and a bundle with accessories. Then a 
decorated tipi is in itself an announcement of the fact that within rests a 
bundle and that its owner possesses the ritual associated therewith, from 
which it follows that the aesthetic value of tipi decoration is secondary, 
if not really accidental. It is true that great pride is taken in such tipis, 

' This feather was used by the sun to brush away the scar on Scar-face, it is said. Vol. 

2. r.i. 



1912.] 



Wissler, Blackfool Bundk^ 



221 



but this springs from the system of owning rituals, or mecHeines, and he- 
cause such a tipi is conspicuous and easily distinguished and, therefore, 
proper for a person of some importance. Many of the Indians recognize 
this objective value and characterize them as medicines of less subjective 
importance than pipes and beaver bundles, but still almost essential to a 
man of good standing. However, their surprisingly great number and 
general distribution give them a collective value of the first magnitude. 

So far as our information goes, there are three classes of rituals: the 
painted tipis, the flag-painted tipis, and the buffalo-painted tipis. In 
addition, there are a few special forms. The painted tipis use the buffalo 
rock (iniskim) as their bundles and the corresponding ritual. The flag 
tipis take their names from the rule of suspending skins from the bundle 
at the top of a tipi pole where they wave in the air not unlike a flag. Further, 
they have songs of a distinct character and make little or no use of the 
iniskim. That these are real distinctions is clear since the owner of a 
painted tipi is regarded as competent to preside at the transfer of any 
among that class but not at the transfer of a flag painted tipi, except he 
once owned one of that class as well. As a further illustration we have two 
kinds of otter tipis, the otter-painted and the otter-flag-painted. While 
the decorations are the same, the former uses the iniskim ritual, the latter 
a more elaborate bundle and ritual. 

The following is a partial list of these tipis with bundles. 





South Piegan. 




1. 


Snake 11. 


Big stripe 


2. 


Otter 12. 


Elk 


3. 


Buffalo or Black buffalo 13. 


Pine tree 


4. 


Horse 14. 


Bear 


5. 


Big-rock 15. 


Buffalo-head 


6. 


Fighting 16. 


Tiiunder's house or Blue tipi 


7. 


Tails-on-the-sides, or Four Tails 17. 


Eagle-pit 


8. 


Raven IS. 


Rattling-it 


9. 


Eagle 19. 


Prairie chicken 


10. 


Yellow buffalo 20. 
North Piegan. 


Hoof (of buffalo) 


1. 


Elk 4. 


Snake 


2, 


Buffalo 5. 


War 


3. 


Otter 6. 


Bea\er 



Anthropological Papers American Muscutn of Xatural History. [Vol. \T^I, 



IJluod. 



1. 


Bif,' striped 


2_ 


Mountiiin goat 


3. 


Wolverine 


4. 


Bear 


5. 


Fisher 


6. 


Elk 


7. 


Half-Black 


S. 


Ka.ul,. 


9. 


.\ll-()\(-r 


10. 


War 


11. 


Crane 


12. 


All stars 


13. 


Prairie chicken 



14. 


Raven 


15. 


Buffalo hoof 


IG. 


Yellow 


17. 


Otter 


IS. 


Horse 


19. 


Snake 


20. 


Water-monster 


21. 


Buffalo-head 


22. 


Skunk 


23. 


Fish 


24. 


Space 


25. 


Center 


kfoot. 
4. 


Coyote 


0. 


Crow 


6. 


Bear 



1. Thunder's tipi 

2. Big Snake 

3. Freezing 

Our int'onnation is not sufficient to say if those bearing the .same names 
among the several tribal divisions are duplicates, but it may be assumed 
that they bear relations to each other similar to the various medicine-pipes. 
Like other bundles, they are frequently passed from one division to the 
other in tlie transfer. 



The Offer-Flag Painfed-Tipi. Like all Blackfoot medicines this one was 
transferred to a human being in a dream or vision, the narration of which 
has been given in our volume of myths. In substance, it is that a young 
man was sleeping on a raft seeking a medicine experience when a mink 
appeared and invited him to come to the tipi of the otter at the bottom of 
the lake. There he received the ritual. 

When this man returned to his people he prepared a tipi as seen. Tri- 
angular figures around the bottom represented hills with cat-tails between. 
Four male and four female otters were around the sides. The background 
upon which the otters were placed was yellow to represent the earth. Bands 
of red above were the circles nuide by the otter in swimming; these were also 
said to represent the water hipping the shore. An old skin tipi of this 
type was collected. 

The bundle was made up of the skins of an otter and a mink wrapped 
and placed in a rawhide case. The case bears the conventional triangular 
designs but is ]):iiiit((l over the entire surface and fringe with yellow. 



1912.] Wlsuler, Black/out Huudlcs. 22'.^ 

A drum is necessary to the outfit. Tlie outer surface is painted over 
with yellow. Upon the outer surface of the head is the representation of 
the otter and upon the inner surface that of the mink. 

A forked stick for the smudge is an essential, though it does not differ 
from other sticks used for similar purposes. There is a paiticular pipe 
belonging to the owner of the tipi, but there is nothing distinctive about 
it. A tobacco board, a few rattles and some ordinary drums, complete 
the outfit. 

During the day the bundle in the rawhide case is hung upon a tripod 
at the back of the lodge, at night or during stormy weather it is brought 
inside and hung between the back rests as with other medicines. The 
smudge place is a rectangular clearing of the sod with a small mound in 
the center. A circular field of yellow sifted clay siu-rounds the center, the 
remainder of the clearing being covered with white clay. The mound in 
the center represents the house of the otter, the yellow, earth upon the shore 
of the lake and the white area the water of the lake. The incense is burned 
upon the little mound in a slight depression. 

There are two body paintings for this medicine. Wlien the right to 
its possession and power are to be transferred, the recipient is painted in a 
yellow ground, representing the shore of the lake. Pairs of short parallel 
red lines are drawn on the legs, arms, and face representing the footprints 
of the otter as he passes over the earth of the bank or shore. A circle upon 
the forehead represents the home of the otter; a circle upon the chin, that 
of the mink. The circle upon the breast is opposite a similar one upon 
the back and both together represent the hole in the bank through which 
the otter crawls. In painting, these circles are always made in the direction 
in which the sun moves. After the transfer the owner paints differently. 
The yellow background has the same significance as before and red bands 
are marked across the eyes, mouth, wrists and ankles, representing the 
trails, or paths of the otter, when he travels. No further information 
could be obtained as to the significance of these symbols. A certain fitness, 
to our way of thinking, appears in the two. The person in the act of receiv- 
ing the power of the otter l)ears his footprints and the sign of his hole through 
his body, while at subsequent times he paints upon himself only the symbol 
of the otter's well beaten path. Whether the Indian is fully conscious of 
this symbolism or not, is a matter concerning which the writer was unable 
to determine. 

The transfer must take place in the painted-tipi. The buyer takes the 
owner's seat, the transferrer sits opposite. Next to the buyer sits his wife 
and next to her the wife of the transferrer. Slough grass {carcx nehrasccnsis 
pracria) is spread over the ground between the two men. The transferrer 



224 Attt}n-i>i:i)h>iiicrd Papcn^ American Museum of Xdturnl History. \\'o\.\\l, 

tukt's up the t'ni-ki'd stick iind i)lac('s ii coal of fire upon the little mound of 
tlic altar. Then he takes up a pinch of sweetgrass and holdinjj it up sings 
a song, " The above, he hears me" l)ringing the hand down slowly, makes 
a circular mo\ement around the fire and lays it on. It smokes. As the 
hand is lowered the words of the song are, "The (earth) below, he hears me. 
My tipi, it is powerful." As the singer rises, " It is good. It is powerful." 

Then the transferrer takes the right hand of the buyer, holds it in the 
smoke of the burning incense, then to the mouth of the buyer and then to 
his right ear: the left hand is manipulated in the same manner except 
that it is brought to the left ear. At the same time the transferrer's wife 
puts the buyer's wife through the same procedure. The significance of 
this is said to be in its symbolizing the learning of the songs and the ritual 
now about to be performed. It has the further ^•alue of nuiking the assimi- 
lation easy for the buyer. 

At the completion of these movements they sing six songs in succession 
without interval. 

The above, he hears me. It is powerful. 

The wind is my medicine. 

The water is my home. 

The rain is my-medicine. 

The below (earth), he hears me. 

Man, he says, my tipi is powerful. 

Woman, she says, my tipi id powerful. 

Rain is my medicine. 

IMy children (all the water animals), they hear me. 

The below (earth), it is powerful. 

Man, he says, the water is our home. 

Woman, she says, the water is our home. 

Water is our medicine. 

My tipi, it is powerful. 

My tipi, it is powerful [Otter speaking]. 

Woman, my tipi, it is powerful. 

I mean it, my tipi, it is powerful. 

The above, it hears me. 

The below (earth), it hears me. 

()1<1 woman, she says, my tipis will be safe.' 

I'nder water are our tipis. 
My tipi, it is powerful. 
My smoking, it is powerful. 

Man, he says, my tipi, it is powerful. 
Under water is my medicine. 
Woman, she says, etc. 



speakint? and implies tliat the camp of his people will be secure. 



liH-i.l Wisder, Blarkfool Bundles. 225 

At this point a sinudgf is uv.u\v. Tlie liands air lield in the sniokt-, thrn 
to the ground and to the head in turn. In the next song the \vin<l is ap{)ealed 
to that the tipi may not be bh)\vn o\er. 

The above man, he hears (heeds) me. 

The below (earth), it hears me. 

It is powerful. 

The wind is my medicine. 

The below (earth) it hears me. 

Old man,* he says, my tipi is powerful. 

Old woman,' she saj's, my tii)i is powerful. 

My smoke, it is powerful. 

Otter, he says, under water is my home. 

It is powerful. 

Otter, he says, slough grass is my medicine. 

It is powerful. 

At this point the grass is spread out preparatory to opening the bundh". 

Man, you must saj', water is my medicine. 

Under water are our tipis. 

It is powerful. 

Waters are our medicines. 

The bundle containing the otterskin, etc., is taken down, held in the 
smudge and laid on the slough grass. As the songs go on the bundle is 
untied and the contents drawn out slowly. A gun is then fired off outside. 
The buyer is painted and dressed in a new suit. The painting songs are: — 

Under water is my home. 

It is powerful. 

Woman, she says, water is my medicine. 

It is powerful. 

Man, he says, under water is my home. 

It is powerful. 

Man, }-ou hear me (singing). 
I am powerful. 

The below (earth), it is my home. 
Under water is my medicine. 

The song while putting new clothes on the purchaser, runs: — 

Man, he says, I am powerful. 

Old man, he says, my home is powerful. 

It will be safe. 

Then an eagle feather is tied in the hair of the buyer and the foHowing 
war songs given : — 

1 Refers to the persons first handing down the ritual. 



220 Anthropological F'apers American Museum of Natural History. [\'ol. VII, 

Man, he says, safety I want. 

Man, he says, war arrows are rny medicines. 

It is powerful. 

The otter, etc., are still within the inner wrappings. This bundle is held 
in the smudge four times, then alternately to the buyer's shoulders and 
finally jjlaced in his arms. His wife is also painted and introduced to the 
i)undle in a similar fashion. 

Before tlif dniiii can be used it is necessary to strike each of the door 
poles twice to let the tipi know what is intended, for otherwise a striking 
noise is not permitted. This is now in order. The drum is held over the 
smudge four times and then handed to a drummer. Seven drums are re- 
(juired, Imi only one is of sjjccial form as previously described. 

As the songs proceed the otterskin is taken up by the seller and held 
and prayed over by each person in turn. In this it is kept beneath the 
blankets of the sitters, the idea being that the otter is in the w^ater. The 
ne.xt proceeding is spoken of as the otter swimming on top of the water. 
The seller places it around his neck four times and then repeats the same 
for the buyer. Then it goes to the women for the same manipulation. 
Then the mink skin is given the same treatment. Here the song runs: — 

Man, he says, water is my medicine. 
Under water is my home, it is powerful. 
Waters are our medicines. 

A forked stick is set up and tlie otter and mink sung into place on it. 

After a rest and feasting, there is formal smoking. The buyer blows 
smoke at the otter four times, pointing the stem at it each time. This 
gives the buyer the right to smoke. liy a similar cremony he is given 
the right to drum and use the rattles. Also, he is given the right to eat and 
drink, especially the right to use water. For this there is a special song: 

Our home, water, and our medicine. 
Our home, water, and our medicine. 
It is powerful. 

This ends the transfer. However, it is customary to spend the next four 
days rehearsing the songs. 

The former owner may at any time formally present t()l)acco to the 
bundle, when the present owner must perform the ritual. When in camp 
for the snn dance the bundle is opened W'ith the ceremony and the otterskin 
hung from a pole over the tipi; hence, the name flag-painted. 

The rules for the care of the l)undle are similar to those for the incdiciiie- 
pipe. The tipi is occupied as the lioiiu- of the owner and must, in any 
event, shelter the bun:llc. It is transferred with the bundle. Wiien worn 



1912.] Wissler, Blackfool Bumlks. 227 

out, it may be replaced by a new one and destroyed, only by sinking to the 
bottom of a pond, the method required for most painted tipis. The origin 
myth for the buffalo and some other painted tipis assigns them to beings 
living under water, or puts them in the class of the beaver series. As these 
particular tipis are regarded as the older types, we may assume with some 
confidence that they took their origin from the same group of ceremonial 
ideas. However, the bundle is exposed to the sun during the day like 
medicine-pipes, in contrast to the constant sheltering of the beaver bundles. 
The woman cares for the bundle. 

The foregoing very incomplete account of the ritual for the tipi and 
bundle will doubtless serve to give a general idea of the type and its place 
among Blackfoot rituals. The songs given are from texts taken with the 
phonograph and translated by Mr. Duvall. 

The Otter Paintcd-Tipi. The following account is for the transfer of 
the otter tipi having an iniskim bundle: — 

Before transferring the otter tipi a sweat house is made. The hole is 
square. The loose dirt taken out of the hole is placed on the west side and 
light colored dirt is placed around a hole and in a path toward the door. 
When the sweat house is ready, the owner of the otter tipi comes to it with 
his bag of iniskim and smudge stick. The bag is placed on top of the house. 
The men all enter. A live coal is brought in and a smudge made with sw(>et- 
grass. A pipe is then filled and handed to the owner of the otter tipi and 
after he has prayed, it is lighted. When the pipe has been burnt out, the 
ashes are emptied on the southeast and southwest, the northwest and north- 
east corners of the square hole and the remainder are emptied in its bottom. 
Then the pipe is placed on top of the house with the bowl pointing toward 
the west and the stem pointing toward the east or where the sun rises. The 
forked smudge stick with the fork to the east is also placed on top of the 
sweat house. After the rocks have been placed in the hole, four series 
of songs consisting of four songs each are sung, between each of which the 
door curtains are raised. After the fourtli song, the sweat house ceremony 
ends. 

All the men then go to the tipi of the owner where the transfer is to take 
place. The owner sits at the rear on the right side, the purchaser sits on 
the left side, opposite him. The owner's wife and the purchaser's wife sit 
on the left side to the right of the purchaser. At first, the bag of iniskim is 
fastened to one of the tipi poles at the rear and the owner, taking some 
juniper seed and holding it up sings the first smudge song: "The above is 
powerful." Then as he places some of the seed on the coal, "The ground 
is powerful." The four rattles are then taken up and while shaking them 



22S A„thn>i>,>h>gical I'aiwrs Amtrira,, M iixnnn of Xalural Hislor,/. [\'cl. \II. 

the t'oUowiiij: words arc sung: "My lodge is powerful," and still shaking 
the rattles, " My lodge is powerfully sitting." 

Four more songs are sung and the fifth us: "Man says, my paint is 
powerful. The water is my medicine." At the same time the owner rubs 
some paint mixed with water on his hands. He paints the purchaser's face 
and body yellow with a red streak across the eyes and mouth. The owner's 
wife paints the purchaser's wife and the purchaser's and his wife's blankets 
are painted, the upper hahes of the l)lankets are painted yellow. 

The next song, another smudge is made of sweetgrass and the owner 
an«l his wife join their hands over the smudge and over the bag of iniskim 
which is still hanging on the tipi pole. They make four passes over the 
smudge and then to the iniskim and the woman rises and stands by the bag. 
The words of the next songs are: "Yonder woman, take me, I am power- 
ful. Buffalo I take them." Then the woman takes down the bag of buffalo 
rocks and places them on the west of the smudge place. As another .song is 
sung, the two men and their wives join their hands over the smudge and the 
bag of iniskim four times. They sing, " Buffalo I have taken," as they undo 
the cords of the bag. As the rocks are drawn from the rawhide bag, they 
sing, "Buffalo, I have taken." The rocks are still wrapped in a cloth. 

While singing the next song the tw-o men and women all hold the rocks 
and pa.ss them to the smudge four times, and rest them on a blanket on the 
west of the smudge place. The song is: "Where iniskim have been .sitting 
is holy or powerful." Another song is sung to remove the cloth covering 
of the buffalo rocks. The two men and women all hold their hands to the 
smudge and the iniskim four times and then they remove the cloth, leaving 
them on the buffalo w^ool. The song: "Buffalo I have taken." One of 
the buffalo rocks is painted red and a song sung: " My paint is pow^erful." 
He rubs .some paint in his hands and sings, "Kidney fat 1 want to eat," 
and taking some fat mixes it with the paint and paints the largest buffalo 
rock. Then they are all placed in a row on the smudge place. The owner 
still holds the largest iniskim and sings: "Iniskim I have taken," and holds 
it to the smudge four times, to the purchaser's left shoulder, to his back, 
to his right shoulder, to his breast, and to his hands. Then the purchaser 
takes the iniskim in both hands, kisses it, and prays to it. The iniskim 
is returned to the owner when it is given to the two women who repeat 
the .same motions with it as the men. .\fter this the iniskim is passed 
around to all those present in the tipi and when it reaches the owner he 
places it with the other rock on the smudge place. 

Now the rattles are beaten on a rawhide to keep time. The following 
songs are then sung: " My lodge is powerful. Buffalo are all starting and 
many of them 1 take; they are powerful. Von man, this day I wish to 



1912.] Wisshr, lilar/.fanl liuiuUcs. 229 

obtain property. "\'()U woinaii, say tlii.s \u^\\{ 1 wish to get propt-rty." The 
words of these songs are to remind the purchaser tliat he is expected to pay 
wellfor the otter tipi. The next songs are: " Hufl'alo are all starting. Lots 
of them I have taken them; they are powerful." He makes the receiving 
sign and says, "No-o-o-o." The next song is: "The leader of the buffalo 
will not turn back but will go over the drive," and tiic singer pretends to 
jump over and shouts four times. This refers to buffalo falling over the 
drive. Again he sings, "Single man, go and drive biiHalo,"' nuikes the 
receiving sign and says, " Xo-o-o-o." Four times he sings, " W'c want to fall 
them," and shouts four times, "Those who are running biilialo are yet 
running; they are powerful. Xo-o-o." 

The owner sings the next song: "The above are powerful. They hear 
me. The ground hears me; it is powerful. One hundred 1 liave fallen," 
and shouts four times. Then he sings: "Over one hundred I liave fallen," 
and shouts four times. 

During the next song the purchaser's wife goes outside of the tipi and 
pulls out one of the pins holding the cover together, and one of the stakes. 
First she holds her hand in toward the smudge and then pulls up the stake. 
The woman gives one of the pins to the owner who takes the purchaser's 
hand and both hold the pin together while the women hold the stake, one 
end to the ground as though they were trying to pull it up. This ends the 
transfer. The pins taken out are to give the new owner the right to take 
down his tipi. 

The following taboos for the owner of the otter painted-tipi are recog- 
nized : — He must never break a buffalo head in the tipi nor must any part 
of the head be thrown into the fire. Also, he must nexer eat any lungs, nor 
break a backbone. To blow on the fire he must use a pipestem. He must 
never lean an old tipi pole against the tipi nor must he allow his robe to 
catch fire. If this should happen, he must at once make a sweat house to 
prevent the ill luck which is sure to follow\ He must never pound on bones 
or drum in the tipi, if it is necessary to drum in the tipi a rock or an ax must 
first be taken and four passes made with it to the two door poles. Then 
after striking the two poles with the ax, a drum may l)e beaten in the tipi. 

In the transfer there are two war songs while the rest of the songs are 
iniskim songs. When the owner goes on the warpath he takes one of the 
smallest buffalo rocks and fastens it to his hair. 

In making the snuidge place when the otter painted-tipi is transferred, 
the grass is first cleared oft' and lighter dirt spread on a space about one 
and a half feet square. The snuidge is made in the center with sweetgrass. 
Buffalo dungs are placed in a row on the west side and on top of them sage 
is placed. The buffalo rocks arc placed in a row on the west side of the 
smudge, resting on some buffalo wool. 



2'AO Anthropological Papers American Museum of Xalural History. [Vol. VII, 

Till Black and Yrlltiw Buffalo I'a'niird-Tlpis. There are two tipis 
peculiar in that tliey have the same ritual and were handed down at the 
same time. The decorations and general characteristics have been well 
descril)ed by (iriimell to whose account the reader is referred.^ Though 
he gives a version of the origin myth and one will be found in our collection 
also, the following offers many new^ points : — 

Two young men were once sitting on the river bank. Looking down into 
the water, one of them saw the tops of the poles of a tipi. At first he said 
nothing but after looking at the poles for some time he said to his companion, 
" Do you not see the tipi in the water? " The other looked, but failed to see 
anything. The young man who had first seen the poles said to his compan- 
ion, " ^'()U stay here and I will go and visit the tipi." He got a pole and went 
into the river above the place w^here he had seen the tipi and floated down 
the river. When he came to the place he dropped the pole, went under the 
water, saw the tipi and went in. There he saw a man and woman. The 
tipi was dry and through the holes in it he could see the water flowing by. 

The man said to him, " ^Vly son, the reason I asked you to come here was 
that I might give you my tipi. You will become the chief of your people." 
While he was there a very large water animal, stuck its head in the door 
and said to the man, " I have come to eat this man." The owner of the tipi 
replied, "You shall not have him. He is poor and I have asked him to 
come here." The animal crawled a little further into the tipi and as he 
did so the water rushed in. The tipi owner became angry and taking his 
straight-bow^led pipe, smoked it in the fire. While he did so the back of the 
animal burned. The animal crawled out of the tipi begging the man not to 
smoke any longer for he was burning his back. The animal now said to the 
visitor, " I will give you a song. You may sing it when you wish to cross 
any river and the river will be shallow." 

The owner of the tipi gave the stranger some water in a small shell. 
The young man drank for some time and yet the water did not decrease 
in the shell. The man then took the shell from the visitor, drank the water, 
emptying the shell, and said, "My son, you were foolish to try to drink 
all the water in the shell. You were trying to drink all the rivers and lakes 
dry." He then gave him four berries in the shell and the stranger tried 
to eat all of them l)ut the four berries alwa;\s remained in the shell. His 
host took the shell and ate the four berries and said, "IVIy son, when you 
were trying to eat all the berries in the shell you were trying to eat all the 
berries in the world. I w ill give you my tipi, the songs, and my pipe. It 
will help you very niiich, but you must give me a white buffalo robe in 

I Grinncll. (a), 650. 



1912.] Wilder, Hhtrl;J„nl liu, idles. 231 

payment. When you return to the shore tell your (•()inj)aiu'on to eonie here. 
There is another man who invited liim and will «iive him a yellow hnfraio 
tipi." 

The young man returned to the bank of the river and told his companion 
to go into the water as he had done. He did so and received the yellow 
buffalo tipi. 

Both young men walked toward the camp. They met a man and told 
him to tell the chief to make a sweat house for them, to place slough grass 
inside of it for them to sit on, and when it was ready to notify them. The 
man did as he was told and as soon as the house was ready the}' were asked 
to come to it. The two men entered the sweat house and when they came 
out there were heaps of sand where they had been sitting. 

Now, as the buffalo were far away, the people were almost starving. The 
two men went to the chief's tipi and said to him, " We are going to have a 
ceremony. Go and invite the beaver men, have them bring with them the 
buffalo rock, some fat, and their rattles." The beaver men were called and 
the two men began to sing. All night they sang and the next morning the 
buffalo came in a great herd. As the people were camping near a river the 
men who were singing, changed their song as the bufYalo started to cross the 
river. All at once the water became very deep, the wind blew hard causing 
great waves which drowned many of the buffalo. The people went to the 
river and pulled the buffalo out. Among these there was a white buffalo 
and a beaver colored one. The two men skinned the white and beaver 
colored buffalo and later on threw the two hides into the river. The white 
robe was in payment for the black l)uffalo tipi and the beaver colored skin 
for the yellow buffalo tipi. Long after this the two men became chiefs. 

The tipi owners had a white buffalo robe and they wanted some of the 
beaver bundle owners' songs. They asked the beaver men to give them 
songs and they gave them the offering songs and the tail featlier. In pay- 
ment, the beaver men received the buffalo hoofs. Long afterwards the 
woman who found the buffalo rock gave the tipi owners some of her songs 
for charming the buffalo and when the people want the buft'alo to come near 
they call on the tipi owners to help charm them. 

One time the black buffalo tipi owner was going away. He said to his 
wife. "Do not let anyone come into our tipi." One day the woman's 
brother came to the tipi and his sister tried to prevent him from entering, 
but the man replied, " I only want to go in and smoke." The woman .said, 
"My husband said that I was not to allow anyone to come into the tipi." 
The brother insisted and as he stepped inside water began to rush in. The 
man went out. The woman smoked the straight-bowled pipe in the fire 
and as soon as she did so the water sank l>ack into the ground and it became 



'2'-V2 .\iitliii>i>(ili>(iir<d I'd/His Aittiriaiii .Mits(iiiii of Xiilurnl Ilislory. [\<>\. X\\, 

iis dry as it was l)t't'()iv. Wlieii licr hushaiid returned he knew at once what 
had liappened and said, " Wliy did you let your brother come in." She 
explained how she had tried to keep him from coming in. 

These tipis are very powerful. Some years ago these two tipis together 
with many others were along a river l)Ottom. All at once the ice broke up 
and the people ran to the high places to get away from the water and ice 
which swept through the camps taking everything with it except the black 
and \cli()w l)utl'alo tipis. 

Tlic first owners of these tipis saw them in Canada in the High River 
when it could not be forded. These twi> men led the people across it. 
While crossing they smoked their straight-bowled pipes and the water was 
only ankle deep. The place where they crossed is near the reservation of 
the .\orthern HIackfoot. .Vt the place where they crossed there is a gravel 
bar and it is here only that the river can be crossed. The straight-bowled 
pipe was later given to the beaver bundle owners. These tipis are so 
powerful because they were really seen and not dreamed. 

The ceremony of transfer is as follows: — 

The buyer of the black buflFalo tipi fills a pipe, goes to the owner and 
after handing him the pipe asks for the tipi. The owner smokes the pipe 
and sets the day for making the sweat house. When the time comes, 
the bu.xcr makes the sweat house, the owner and he go in, the btiffalo rocks 
are placed on top, and the men sing eight of the buffalo rock songs. Then 
the> sing some of the tipi songs. After this they come out and the tipis 
of the i)urchaser and owner are interchanged. They go to the black buffalo 
tii)i and invite their relatives, who help the purchaser pay for the tipi. 

The hole in the sweat house during the transfer is triangular but when the 
owner of the tipi uses it otherwise, it is square. In the tipi the smudge 
j)lace is s(|uare and sweetgrass is used for the smudge. When the tipi is 
to be transferred the smudge place is cut square and white earth placed in it 
and a crescent and dot placed in the middle of the square. The dot is the 
smudge place, but the crescent is where the coals are placed in making the 
snuidge. The moon is marked out with a tail feather, is yellow within 
and outlined in black. The dot is black. At the beginning of the cere- 
mony tlie smudge place is plain, but as the singing of the offering or tail 
feather songs is ended the crescent and dot are marked. 

The owruT and his wife and the purchaser and his wife exchange clothes. 
-At first the purchaser and his wife are painted yellow, then a spot of white 
paiiif is placed on each check with a cross in it. The cross is placed on both 
sides of the purchaser's head, on his wrists, and on the sides of his knee 
joints. The wife is painted the .same on her face and the crosses placed on 
her wrists, shoulders, and elbows. 



1912.] Wis.^lcr. Hlackfont BiunUex. •1X\ 

The next morning, after tlie tipi has been transferred, the face is painted 
red and the white spots phieed as before. After a sinndge is made, the 
offering songs are simg and tlien the biiffah) rock songs which are in groups 
of seven. 

At the northwest, northeast, southeast, and soutliwest corner of the (ir<'- 
place there is a small hole about two inches wide ;iiid al)()Ut ;iii incli (lee|) 
filled with white dirt in the bottom. These arc to represent the pawing 
places of buffalo. The two men and the women, wearing buffalo robes with 
the hair side out, kneel around the first hole, make dancing motions and 
imitate the buffalo while the others keep time with rattles and sing. They 
repeat these movements at each hole and take their places at the re:ir of 
the tipi. After this they sing the buflFalo rock songs, the tipi .songs, and the 
songs for the buffalo painted on the tipi. Then they sing another song 
wdiich gives the right to take down the tipi when moving camp. During 
this song the two w^omen pull out one of the stakes and a pin. .\fter this 
is done the owner may move the tipi at any time. 

The owner of the tipi has four rattles but not the leather on which they 
are beaten. When singing they use an ordinary robe for beating time. 
During the ceremony the purchaser is given a round buffalo dung covered 
with a bladder. When he smokes he rests the bowl of his pipe on the dung. 
This belongs to the owner of the tipi and is kept with the other things. 

The following taboos are recognized by the owner of the tipi : He must 
not eat any part of a buffalo head nor have a buffalo head in the tipi. He 
must not let any part of the head fall in the fire nor let a marrow bone be 
heated at the fire. He must never tie a rope inside the tipi from pole to pole 
and use it to hang meat nor must he ever strike at a buffalo head. No one 
must wear his robe nor must the fire be allowed to go out. The door of the 
tipi must not l)e left open nor must a dog be allowed in it. He intist never 
strike at the tipi. 

The same rules must be ol)served by the owner of the yellow buffalo 
tipi. Its transfer and ceremonies are the same. The owners of these tipis 
are the men who sing and bring the buffalo near. 

It is clear that these tipis were, in part, associated with rituals to "call 
the buffalo." We were told that the new owners of these tipis invited the 
beaver men to help them sing the songs in the first ceremony of its kind, 
borrowing the one iniskim in the beaver bundle and the rattles; that in 
this way they acquired through the sweat house (p. 258) the right to u.se 
the eagle tail feathers in marking out the moon and sun dog figures and to 
sing the "sun offering songs." Thus, these tipi owners received tlie iniskim 
from the beaver men it being the wife of one who first found tlie iniskim, 



234 Anthropological Papers American Mmemn of Natural HUtory. [\o\. VII, 

tlu- ciifili' tnil fciitluTs, and the "sun ollVring song." In turn, they gave 
the heaver men the Ijull'ahi lioofs now in the hundles. All this is prohahle 
and besides suggesting that the Imft'alo tipis were the first of all ritualistic 
tipis, it throws some light upon the manner in whict) rituals were constructed 
from parts of others. 

To make the sweat houses of the black or yellow buffalo tipis either 
twelve or fourteen willows are used. When the tipi is to be transferred the 
hole is triangular but for ordinary use the hole is square. The dirt taken 
out of this hole is placed on the west side of the sweat house. At first five 
rocks are brought in and placed one at each corner and the fifth in the center 
of the hole. The first smudge is made with sweetgrass between the hole 
and the rear of the house. The second smudge is made on the rocks and 
then all the rocks are brought in and placed in the hole. Before the rocks 
are taken in, the pipe is handed in and one man holds it up first to the sun 
and then to the ground meanwhile praying. Then he hands it to someone 
to light. After the pipe has burnt out, it is passed out and placed at the 
west side of the house with the stem pointing north. Sixteen iniskim songs 
are sung in groups of four. The sweat house is opened four times and after 
each group of four songs they all come out. A calf robe must be used to 
close the door of the sweat house. The triangular shaped hole represents 
the heart of the bulValo. 

The Winter Painted-Tiin. The following was stated by a Piegan: — 
One winter, while the people were all hunting buffalo an old man and his 
.son were caught in a blizzard. The storm was so blinding that they decided 
to look for shelter. The two men took from their horses one of the hides 
of the two buffalo they had killed, sat down, and covered themselves with 
it. It was very cold and it was not long before the hide had frozen and they 
were snowed under. 

After they had been there for four days the old man fell asleep. A man 
approached him and said, " I come to invite you to my lodge." The old 
man went with the stranger and both entered the tipi. The owner, who was 
one of the winter cliief's people, had his face and body painted with the 
white dirt paint. The winter man said, "I will give you my tipi and my 
headdress feathers." He told him how to use the feathers in war and that 
111- or an.\(>iic else wlio owned the tipi would soon become a chief. He also 
taught liim all about the ceremony. He told the old man that he had not 
inii'iidcd to trc(/,c liini to death but was only joking with him. 

On the I'oiuth (la> that the two men were under the snow tlie yoimg 
man punched a hole through the snow with his hand and said to his father, 
" I will go on to camp and you may stay here and 1 will have someone come 



1912. 



Wissler, HlarkfoDl Bundles. 



2:^5 



for you." The cainp.s wore within sij^ht hut the (hiy wa.s very l)rij,'ht and 
cold and as the young man went towards tlie camp lie hecanu- \ery cold 
and before he arrived his legs became stiff with cold and he stuniljled. 
Some men saw him and he was carried to his own tipi and wrapped up in 
robes and hot water given him. Then he told them where to find the old 




Fig. 29 The Winter Painted-Tii)i, from 



wing by Tliree-bears. 



man. His mother and some other women went for him with a travois but 
because of the power received from the winter man the old man was not 
affected by the cold. 

This is the reason for the belief in the winter people who make the cold 
weather. Later on, the old man made the winter tipi and painted it just 
as he saw it and it is still in use. 



236 



Aiithroiioloyiciil Paptr.s Amcricnit Museum of Xdtnml HUlortf. [\'ol. \'IU 



This winter tipi was first made up and transferred in the early fall when 
the leaves are turning yellow. The owner of the tipi said to the man ta 
whom he was about to give it, "While I am transferring this tipi, I will 
prove its power to you, by causing a storm to come." 

.\t first a sweat house was made. The hole and the smudge place were 
s(|uare. The smudge place is about three feet square and is between the 
iire|)lace and the rear of the tipi. It is not dug out much but the grass is. 
cleared off on three sides and creej)ing juniper placed on all but the east side. 
.\ circle is hollowed out in the center where the smudge of juniper needles 
is made, similar ti) that in the sun dance lodge. The smudge is made in 
the morning, at noon, and at night. The flaps are opened in the morning 
and closed in the evening. 

The headdress feathers are kept in a rawhide bag on triporls on the w'est 
of the tipi during the day and returned in the evening. 

When transferring the tipi the man takes some juniper and holding it 
up sings: " My lodge is holy (or powerful)." He puts the juniper on the fire 
and sings, "Cold is my medicine. My lodge is powerful." The buyer is 
painted and w^ristlets of otterskin with a small bell are placed on each wrist. 
The seller and buyer sit near the rear while their wives sit near the 
doorway on the north side. Other songs are sung: " My lodge, it is power- 
ful. My wristlets have taken pity on me. 
Morningstar says, ' Four times I want tO' 
smoke.'" As the feathers are tied to the 
buyer's hair they sing, "Man says, my 
headdress is powerful. Rain is my medi- 
cine. Man says, hailstones are my body."^ 
The men do not rise to dance but merely go 
through the motions keeping time with a 
rattle. The buyer's face and body are 
painted. The feathers worn on the hair 
are a black plume, eagle tail-feathers, and 
raven feathers and are kept in a rawhide 
bag placed at the west of the tipi. This 
headdress is used in war. This ends the 
transfer. 

When the winter tipi was transferred for 
the first time it was early in the fall, never- 
theless a great snowstorm c-ame up, brought on by the power of the tipi. 
Three-bears owned it and paid fourteen horses for it. One time he was 
very sick and vow^ed to buy it. At another time a man's child was ill and 
he vowcfl to buy the tipi when the child recovered and he bought it from 
Three-i)ears. 




1912.] Wissler, Blnckjoot BuudUx. 2.'u 

There are various taboos connected witli tlie tipi. Moccasins must 
never be hung up inside of it. The cover must never be raised, nor must 
the fire be allowed to go out during the day. Drumming is never allowed 
in the tipi nor are dogs to come into it. All the songs are war songs. 

A native drawing has been reproduced in Fig. 29. The seven stars, or 
Ursa Major, are on one of the ears and the Pleiades on the other. The large 
disc at the top represents the sun and the claw syml)ols })elow, the thund< r 
bird. At the bottom the discs represent "fallen stars" and the curved 
lines, mountains. The painting and hair dress for the owner of this bundle 
is shown in Fig. 30. The face and l)0(ly are covered with yellow; the dark 
shaded spots are in red. 

The Snake Paiiited-Tipi. This tipi has two snakes painted on it, one on 
the south, and one on the north side, about the middle. The heads just 
meet a little above the door while their tails almost meet at the rear. Six 
black dots representing bunched stars are painted on the ear at the north 
of the tipi, and seven black stars representing the dipper are painted on the 
ear on the south side near the top. Four black stripes are painted and just 
below a cross to which some horse hair is fastened. The cross represents 
the butterfly. A few inches apart, below the cross hang four cow tails. 
Around the bottom of the tipi are painted the puff balls, cr stars, and moun- 
tains. x\t the center of the back is painted a horseshoe which represents 
the den of the snakes. Just above the mountains three black stripes are 
painted. 

The smudge place is square. The grass is cleared off, white earth spread 
over the clearing and the smudge made in the center with the sweetgrass. 
The forked stick is placed north of the smudge place. The smudge is made 
three times a day; in the morning, at noon, and in the evening. 

The snake painted on the south side of the tipi is supposed to be the 
male and the one on the north side, the female. Some rattles, a leather on 
which they are beaten, some buffalo rocks, and buffalo hoofs belong to the 
tipi. These things are all kept in a square rawhide bag and hung on a 
tripod which is placed a few feet to the west of the tipi. When these are 
taken out of the tipi they are carried around the south and returned from 
the north side. 

There are about twelve songs most of which are buffalo rock and buffalo 
songs. The words are: " Yonder man take me. I am powerful. Kidiie.N 
fat, I want to eat." These words refer to the iniskim. 

Heavy-gun owned this tipi once but does not know how it happened only 
that it was given in a dream. Some of the songs refer to the tipi itself. 

When transferring this tipi a sweat house must first be made and the 



23S Aidhropolngicnl Papers American M nsnim of Natural History. [Vol. VIl^ 

Ijiillalo rocks and siiuidge stick placed on top of it. The hole is cut square. 
The man's face is painted red with a circle of black around it and a black 
dot on the bridge of the nose. The five iniskini are placed in a row on the 
west side of the smudge place. 

The fees for the purchase of this tipi range from five to ten horses. 
The taboos are: a bone must never be broken inside of the tipi. Should 
anyone do so, it will cause the owner's horse to become lame. 

Oilur Tipis. Aside from the otter tipi, we have in the Museum collec- 
tion a war painted-tipi, and a buffalo head painted-tipi. The former has 
received mention, p. 37.^ Its bundle contains a buffalo rock, a buffalo tail, 
some hoof rattles, a pijie, and sweetgrass for the smudge. These tipis, 
while owned by one man, were in a sense the joint possession of a few men, 
who, because of friendship or other ties, were usually companions in raids 
and hunts. The ritual contains among others their individual war songs. 
The decorations on the tipi represent chiefiy the deeds of the owner and 
those associated with him. The latter is one of the regular painted-tipis. 

The eagle tipi is said to have originated at the same place and time as 
the lance (p. 134), like the two buffalo tipis, and that in consequence the 
rituals of the two have many of the same songs. 

A quite individual tipi is one said to have been given by the thunder 
and whose ceremonies are supposed to give protection from storms. 

Owing to its use of the plumed serpent figure, the water-monster tipi 
is of some interest, Fig. 31. The bundle for this tipi is the iniskim. The 
tipi and ritual are beliexcd to have come down from the sun; also that the 
horned water-monster himself came from the sun. The smudge place is 
similar to that for the winter painted-tipi. Fig. 32, bearing the signs of the 
moon, morningstar, mistaken-morningstar and two sun dogs, with marks 
representing sunbeams. Sweetgrass is burned on the mistaken-star figure 
three times each day. 

The four-head buiValo yellow j)aint('(l-tipi is characterized by four 
Kntl'iilo heads arranged around the side. At the bottom are three rows of 
ciiclcs with the usiud triangular mountain figures. Around the top there 
ar<- three rows of these circles instead of the usual star clusters. The body 
(.1 till' coxcr between the borders is painted yellow. From the tips of the 
(•ar> hang butValo tails while at the rear hangs a cross of rawhide also orna- 
Micnted with a l)uffalo tail. The ritual and painting are said to have origi- 
nated among the Northern Hlackfoot when a woman appeared to a young 
man in a vision and transferred it to him. An elaborate smudge altar is 
used in this tipi as shown in I'ig. 3r)f. 



' .Mso sec McClintock, 221. 



1912.] 



Wissler, Blackfonl Bundles. 



239 




Fig. 31. The Water-Monster Painted-Tipi, from a drawing by Tom Kiyo. The bands 
at the top are red, green, yellow, blue, and black; the sections of the serpent are blue, red, 
yellow, and green; the door is striped with the same colors; the border at the bottom is in 
red. 



Tipi Decorations. A point of special importance is that we find no 
associations between tipis and the bundles they shelter, except under this 
head, where the tipi by virtue of its decorations becomes an integral part of 
the bundle and must be used and handled in accordance with the regulations 
of the ritual. For the beaver bundle, the medicine-pipe, and in short all 
others, any tipi may be used. Further, tipi decorations in disassociation 
from a bundle are so rare, that the presence of a decoration is taken as evi- 
dence of medicine ownership and character. Even those bearing pictorial 



•J40 



AulhnifHiloyiciil I'murs Ainericait Museum of Xdhtral Ilistorij. [\o\. \U, 



rc-i)ri'S(."ntati()ns of deeds, usually havr an iiiiskiiii bundle, at least, and bear 
at the rear a niystie %ure (p. 37). Since in the course of events, tipi covers 
wear out, the painting must be done anew, giving ample opportunity for 
practise by a skilled man, it follows that none of the actual drawings we 
iiave seen can be of great age, but that all must exist in more or less idealized 
form in the minds of their keepers and be considered, therefore, as expres- 
sions of such form ideas. We have then in these decorations a fine series 
of examples in Hlackfoct religious art, in fact, almost their whole range of 
such art. Both (Jrinnell and McClintock have treated this subject quite 
satisfactorily, making it only necessary to take up a few points.' In general, 

most of these tipis have a 
blackened area at the top 
with white discs for the 
Pleiades and I'rsa major, 
a similar border at the 
l)ottom w^ith one or two 
row^s of star signs (fallen 
stars), and a row of tri- 
angular projections, repre- 
senting hills or mountains. 
These points may be seen 
in the Indian drawings of 
the winter painted-tii)i and 
the water-monster painted- 
tipis (Figs. 31, 32). 

In the rear at the top is 
a Maltese cross, said by 
some to represent a moth, 
by others, the morning- 
star. After gathering con- 
siderable data, we con- 
cluded that originally the symbol was a star and that confusion arose from 
the similarity to the moth, or sleep charm. Nevertheless, the function of a 
.symbol depends upon what it means to those who use it and to many this 
design is the moth sign.*^ The use of the sun symbol on the winter tipi, 
Kig. 29, is (juite exceptional. The foregoing occur, on most painted-tipis 
but scarccl\ exer alone; hence, we may consider them as conventional to 
this class, they having, to our knowledge, no specific associations in the rituals. 
On the large field between these borders occur the specific symbols. These 




Fis. :J2. Smudge Altar for the Water-Moasler Painted- 
Tipi; the ground is of yellow; the moon is in black bor- 
dered by red and green and the perpendicular bars are in 
the same colors: the diagonal projections represent the 
rays of the sun ; the circular band of black and red is the 
momingstar and the disc of black the mistakcn-morning- 
star. Drawn by Tom Kiyo. 



» McClintock. 207-224; Grinnell. (a). 650-668; also this series. Vol. 2, 41-42. 

» Sec McClintock. 219; C.rinnell. (b). 194: this series. Vol. I. 194; Wissler, (c). 260. 



1912.] ir/.xN/rr, HUicl:J,„>l liuwllcs. 241 

are usually of three elasses; the invthieal ori^nuatdr and his wife, their 
house and their trails. Primarily, we have the animal (oceasionaily a plant 
or inanimate object) associated with the ritual. These are drawn in pairs, 
male and female; for large animals a single pair, for small ones, four or 
more.^ For example, in Fig. 31 we have the plumed serpent, or water- 
monster the male on one side, the female on the other. In Fig. 32 the 
mythical originator (the thunder bird) is represented by the con\'entional 
claws, a pair on each side of the tipi. In most cases the animal figures are 
highly realistic and usually in black. The kidneys, the brain, the heart (?), 
and the so-called life-line are often represented in color. Further than that 
this was conventional, we could learn nothing. It is obvious that we have 
here an objective parallel to some Central Algonkin motives. At the rear 
of the tipi, resting on the border, and sometimes at the door also, there is 
often seen a simple colored area representing the home, or den, of the animal 
pictured. At the top, beneath the conventionally blackened portion, are 
often four to six bands in red and other colors. These usually represent 
trails belonging to the animals pictured below. 

Comparative Notes. Of decorated tipis many examples may be cited, 
since most tribes of tipi-users seem to have used the sides of their dwellings 
for graphic display; but this is too general to have any particular bearing 
upon our present interest. A discussion of the subject with an extended 
bibliography will be found in Weygold's account of an " indianische Leder- 
zelt." ^ In the pipe keeper's tipi of the Arapaho ^ we have the suggestion 
of similarity, and again in certain notes on decorated tipis by J. Owen 
Dorsey,^ but nowhere have we found evidence of a definite association by 
which the decoration of the tipi becomes an integral part of a ritual except 
among the Blackfoot. However, in a conversation with some Teton (1904) 
the writer was told that formerly something of the kind existed among them 
and that, in accordance with the rules, the tipis were all destroyed by sink- 
ing under water. While this is suggestive, the writer has found no oppor- 
tunity to follow it up. In the absence of other information, it seems best 
to assume that these Indians had in mind the tipis noted by J. O. Dorsey, 
and that so far the type herein described is peculiarly Blackfoot. Perhaps 
these people took from others the suggestion of tipi decorations and adapted 
them to their own ritualistic scheme. 



1 The numerous illustrations in McClintock. and Grinncll, (a), may be referred to. 

2 Globus, LXXXIII, .Ian. 1903, 1-7. In a letter to the writer this author says he has 
made a study of Teton tipi decorations for future publication. 

3 Kroeber, (b), 281. 

* Dorsey, J. O., 396-411. 



242 



Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. VII, 



Iniskim. 

Of all medicines the buffalo rock is most widely distributed, being, in 
fact, little less than a conventional family medicine. Though it has a dis- 
tinct ritual and ownership may be acquired by regular transfer, it seems 
that anyone who chances upon one of these stones may take it and thereafter 







Fig. 33 (.-)()-.^)3.S{) h i, j. k). A .sot of thf Iniskim. or Hiiirulo Itocks 



keep ;ui(l care for it. This may be a breaking down of a former dtx I'lopment 
in bundle ownership, though we suspect that the mere accident of origin 
in the finding of certain stones is the true explanation. The facts are that 
such stones are found every now and then, scarcely a family fail'ng to en- 
counter them, a condition encouraging general and less-restricted ownership. 



1912.] Wissler, Blackfoot Bundles. 243 

This iniskim, or bufTalo rock, has been noted by (irinnell as " Ammonites, 
or sections of Baculitcs, or sometimes merely oddly shaped nodules of flint."' 
The Ammonites seem to be regarded as the most powerful type, but we often 
found fossil shells and other formations in the bundles, as well as a mis- 
cellaneous assortment of oddly shaped pebbles. Any pebble bearing a 
special resemblance to an animate object is most certain to be regarded as 
an iniskim. Among others, the collection contains a highly characteristic 
set. Fig. 33, of which b represents a buffalo, and c a man. The significance 
of the others was not learned. The legs of the man have been formed by 
cutting out the intervening material, as the file marks indicate. As a rule, 
all Ammonites similar to h are spoken of as a buffalo, because of their some- 
what vague resemblance. Yet, we have seen fossil shells with portions of 
the matrix in a form as to strongly suggest a buffalo standing, also regarded 
as symbolizing that animal. As part of another set, we secured an unworked 
pebble like the head and face of a man. The set illustrated was, as always, 
painted red and wrapped in a generous supply of buffalo wool and enclosed 
in the skin of an unborn calf. This, wuth two bags of paint, was kept in a 
square fringed bag to which a pipestem and sweetgrass were fastened in 
the usual manner (Fig. 34). 

During the day, the iniskim bag is hung on a tripod behind the tipi and a 
smudge of sweetgrass made morning and evening. There seemed to be no 
restrictions to opening the bag, as performing the ritual, etc., but when 
this was done for our inspection, it was usual to make a smudge. 

Grinnell notes the belief that if these stones are not disturbed for a time, 
they will have offspring. A man showed us with evident satisfaction, a 
large fossil bi-valve in the matri.x of which w^as the protruding end of a small 
shell as evidence of such birth. On various occasions we were shown small 
fossils said to have appeared mysteriously at the umvrapping of the bundles. 

We published two translations from texts of the origin myth, one of 
which contains the songs making up the ritual.^ In one version, the woman 
receiving the bundle had gone out to pick berries and the bag in which it is 
now kept is the form said to have been used in gathering berries. Both 
the events in the myth and the sentiment of the songs make it clear that 
this ritual had for its function the control of the l)uffalo and its present 
disorganized condition may be due to lack of opportunity to exercise that 
function. Grinnell mentions the use of the ritual in connection with the 
drive.' Under beaver bundles we have given at length a ritual for calling 
the buffalo (204). We find our informants divided into two groups: one 



1 Grinnell, (c), 126. See also Curtis. Vol. 6, 66. 

2 Vol. 2, 85; see also, Grinnell, (c), 126. 

3 Grinnell, (c), 229. 



!44 



Anlhroi)()l()(/inil Papers Anii'riain Mii.^ 



>f Xitlnml Uistorj/. [Vol. \U. 



lioldiiij,^ that there iie\er was any other ritual for calHng l)iiffaIo than the 
iniskim, while the other is equally positive that the beaver men had such a 
ritual. Some hold that both are correct since in all versions of the myth 

the woman was the wife of a beaver 
owner and gave the bundle into his keep- 
ing, that an iniskim is usually found in 
a beaver bundle, and that the virtue of 
the beaver owner's bufialo ritual rests 
primarily with the iniskim. An inforiti- 
ant tells us that thou.uli \ery old and 
formerly used exclusively for buffalo, the 
ritual was afterwards found efficacious in 
securing horses, success in war, health, 
and prosperity. 

A point of some interest is the occur- 
rence of the iniskim in other bundles. 
Thus, we find it in the bundles for sev- 
eral of the painted tipis and in the beaver 
bundle. 

Some rocks too large to l)e moved 
were spoken of as iniskim. The Piegan 
say that on the northeast part of their 
reserve was one of these stones formerly 
visited for prayers and offerings. South 
of the old agency is a rock, shaped like 
a bear sitting on his haunches with paws 
to his face. Indians would paint the rock, 
pray to it and make offerings of tobacco, 
beads, clothing, etc. Formerly, near the 
mouth of Birch Creek on the Marias was 
a stone resembling the bust of a man, 
greatly venerated by the Piegan. Some 
North Blackfoot on the warpath threw 
it down and in consequence lost tlieir 
lives at the hands of enemies, so it is 
said. 
Coinpnrdfivr Xotcs. As part of an Hidatsa slu-ine, or medicine l)undle, 
Wilson notes tiiree " l)uffalo stones" two of which are Baculifcs and one a 
simple pebble.' Aside from the name in common, we find the belief that 




VU 34 (.50-.'J38()a). Tlic Ha^' 
whirl! the Iniskim are plurod. 



Popppr and Wilson. .304, 32.t. 



1912] WiM^der, Bladi4^ BwOa. 245 

thevr -v^n^t give btrth to smaller ones. The Gros Ventre hare tivse sUhms 
but se^nin^y under another name; also the Aasioiboiiie.* Among the 
Arapaho we find two Baetdites kept wrapped iq» la a ba^ paJBTfd red and 
calM centipedes-* Tlie interesting point is the very strikjageotr gp ondenee 
between the Hidatsa and the Blackfoot m contrast to the incvienta] natnre 
(^ their reported presence among some other tiibes. 



275. 
Kroeixr. Ob). 443. 



24() Anlhropological Papers Avierican Museum of Natural History. [Vol. VII, 



IV. GENERAL CEREMONIAL FEATURES. 

The reader has doubtless felt that many of the details of movement and 
manipulation in the various ceremonies were things common to most or all 
such procedures and so not distinctive. To some extent this is true. We 
have not tried to make our accounts of ceremonies complete in minor 
details because many such are forms in no wise peculiar to a given ritual. 
While we feel that the ideal treatment in such a paper as this would be, 
first the presentation of the procedures common to most ceremonies, fol- 
lowed by a topical exposition of the distinctive characteristics for each 
ceremony, it has not been possible to follow such a plan here since the death 
of Mr. Duvall. Hence, under this head we shall call attention to a few of 
these which we hope may serve to reveal the character of the Blackfoot 
ceremonial scheme. 

Bundle Wrappings. 

We have used the term bundle for all objects associated with rituals 
because though these may be but a few feathers, the owner keeps them 
wrapped up in various pieces of cloth. At present, gaily colored pieces of 
calico are used, but occasionally silks and other cloth. We could not learn 
as to the former practice, some informants suggesting that soft skins were 
used before the introduction of cloth. 



Bundle Owners in Mourning 

When a death occurs in the family of a bundle owner, it is usual for a 
former owner to take the bundle home and care for it. This seems to be a 
matter of precaution since some of the bereaved ones may take vengeance 
upon the bundle for not preventing death. For example Duvall writes: — 

" I called at home the other day as one of his daughters had just 

died. He had one of the pipes he had owned for a year. His wife 

felt so bad that she tried to tear the bundle down from the wall, but a 
man stopped 1h r. She said, she would burn the bundle because it did 
not save her daughter. Then she threw into the fire her ceremonial 
moccasins, belonging to the bundle. Others present said she did a very 
wicked thing. So a former pipe owner took the bundle down and carried 



1912.] Wisslcr, Blackfoot Bundles. 247 

it home to keep until sucli time as could go tlu-ougli tlic sweat house 

and again receive the bundle. This pipe once belonged to the society, 

but since the society was done away with, it is used about the same as 
other pipes. Please do not make these names public." 

The ceremony upon resuming the care of a bundle is called "washing." 
After a sw^eat house, the bundle is opened and the ritual demonstrated as 
in the regular transfer ceremony. Red-plume says that after the fourth 
night, the owner makes a sweat house, places the pipe on top of it, and 
calls in the former owner who paints him and removes his mourning clothes. 
The former owner pro\ides new clothing for which lie has to pay. 



Four Movements. 

.The number four seems to have special force in Blackfoot ceremonial 
thought. When something has been dreamed four times it becomes at 
once a medicine of certain power. Again, a man seldom refuses the fourth 
request for a thing: but should he, the petitioner feels insulted. So it is 
not strange that in most ceremonies we find things performed Avith three 
preliminary movements, or feints. Usually in untying a bundle, in picking 
up a ceremonial object, in making a smudge, etc., the officiating medicine- 
man makes three movements with the hand as if about to lay hold of the 
object and takes it up at the fourth. This may be said to be common to all 
ceremonies. 

The Receiving Sign. 

In many songs and other parts of rituals where the initial receiving of 
power or formulae is symbolized, the leader and his assistants often make a 
gesture, designated by Mr. Duvall as the receiving sign. In some cases, 
the arms are folded on the breast as if embracing an object and an exclama- 
tion of satisfaction uttered. Again, a movement toward the heart may be 
made with one hand only. 



The Wing Movement. 

In some songs and parts of ceremonies, as when raising the sun pole at 
the sun dance, the singers make motions with their arms to symbolize the 
flapping of wings of the eagle or other mythical birds. Some informants 
regard this also as a receiving sign, or symbolizing a bird of prey on the hunt. 
In most singing it is the custom for the leader to make gestures or signs 
expressing some of the ideas in the songs. 



248 Antlim/xihgicul Papcm Atnerican Museum of Nahiral History. [Vol. VII, 

SuN-wisK Movements. 

When :i hiiiidU' is carried out of the tipi it is taken around hy the south 
side and returned Ijy the north. In most ritual demonstrations, the evo- 
lutions and dances proceed around the fire in the same general direction: 
i. e., the seats being toward the west side of the tipi they proceed south of 
the fire toward the door and around to a point on the north side, then reverse. 
In placing incense on the smudge, in filling a pipe, etc., the officiator often 
moves the hand aroimd in a sun-wise circle. 

Passing the Pipe. 

Smoking is at all times a formal procedure approaching the ceremonial. 
In a tipi the host hands the pipe across to the one opposite or on his left,^ 
who after a few puflfs passes it to his left hand neighbor. Thus it proceeds 
sun-wise to the end of the line. The last man may return it to the host 
himself, but usually passes it to the one on his right and he to the next, 
etc., until it again reaches the host who after a few puffs starts it on another 
round, as before. As the pipe is being returned, no one smokes. How- 
ever, a medicine-pipe owner may smoke on the return (p. 164). It is not 
the custom to pass the pipe to the women, who sit on the right of the ho.st, 
but they have pipes of their own, though the host's wife may pass her pipe, 
in this case to the right. When men smoke out-of-doors they usually sit 
in a half-circle and follow the same regulations concerning the passing of 
the pipe as when within a tipi. 

Bl'ndle Owners' Taboos. 

Like the taking of a wife, tlie ownership of a bundle brings in its wake all 
sorts of obligations, responsibilities, and restrictions to freedom that cannot 
be escaped. Among these are many curious prohibitions not unlike taboos. 
Even the simplest bundle requires some restraints of its owner. These are 
often inconvenient and give every one some concern either as guest or host, 
for one sliouM be considerate and a\(>i(l all things "against the medicines" 
of those present. That this is by no means a re'cent devel()j)inent is clear 
from a passage in Henry's Journal under date of 181 1 : — 

' For position in tipi see Vol. V, 106. 



1912.] Wisslcr, Blarkjool lhnall(.<:. 24!) 

"In smoking there is more ceremony among the Piegans than I observed in unv 
other tribe. Some of them will not smoke while there is an old pair of .shoe.s hanging 
up in the tent; some of them must rest the pipe upon a piece of meat ; others upon a 
buffalo's tongue. Some will smoke only their own pipe, which they themselves 
must light; others, again, must have somebody to light it for them, and then it must 
be lighted by flame only; no live coal must touch it, nor must the coal be blown into 
a blaze. No person must pass between the lighted pipe and the fire, particularly 
when in a tent. The first whiff from the pipe is blown toward the earth, while the 
stem is pointed up; the second whiff is blown up, anil the stem is pointed down, or 
sometimes to the rising sun; the midday and setting sun may also receive their share 
of attention. Those ceremonies being over, the pipe is handed around as usual. 
I once observed a fellow who would not smoke in our houses, but having been given 
a bit of tobacco, he took his own pipe, went out of doors, and made a hole in the 
ground in which to rest the bowl while he smoked. Such proceedings are tedious 
and often troublesome to us in our business when a large band comes in, as the whole 
performance is slow and serious. They are superstitious to the utmost in various 
other things; some must have a person to cut their meat into small pieces readv to 
eat; others always eat and drink out of one particular bowl or dish, which t'hev 
carry for that purpose; some never taste wild fowl or fish; .some never eat tjarticu- 
lar kinds of flesh, or allow their victuals to be cooked in a kettle used for such viands 

After the first round we give them each half a gill of Indian liquor, beginning 

always with the principal chief, who is about as ceremonious in taking a drink as he 
is in smoking. He dips his finger into the liquor and lets a few drops fall to the ground ; 
then a few drops are offered above; but he drinks the rest without further delav. 
Each chief has some particular ceremony to perform before tasting the first glass 
but after that he gets drunk as fast as po.ssible. . . .While drinking at our houses 
almost every man is provided with a rattle, to keep chorus with his rude singing. 
These rattles are made of rawhide, sewed and stretched in the shape of a calabash 
and stuffed with sand until they are dry, when they are emptied and small pebbles 
put into them. The Piegans are noisy when drinking, but not insolent. Singing 
and bellowing seem to be their pleasure, while the men and women all drink together." » 

We have given many illustrations of these tahoo.s under the various 
descriptive sections of this paper. It will be noted that many of these 
refer to smoking and noises while in a tipi; hut that there is an almost end- 
less variety of other prohibitions at sundry times and places. The penalties 
for disregarding these injunctions are usually some kind of illness. Sore 
mouth, sore eyes, blindness, boils, etc., are generally regarded as resulting 
from such, and for anyone to he so afflicted is of itself evidence of such vio- 
lations. Curiously enough, the violation, if such it be, cannot always be 
laid to the victim himself, since by social usage he may be forcerl to keep 
his seat while another is doing the very thing his medicine prohibits. For 
example, if metal must not be struck in the presence of a certain painted- 
tipi owner, it is not likely that he himself will violate the injunction, i)ut he 
may be unable to pre\ent others from doing the striking. His only recourse 



» Henry and Thompson, 727-731. 



2)1 1 Anthropological Papers American Museum of N'alural History. [\'ol. \'ll, 

is to take the consequences or flee from the tipi where the pounding is fioing 
on. Thus u l)un(lle owner must, in :i way, submit his fate to the hiw of 
accident in taboo viohitions. 

We were told that when a doctor treats one for any disal)ility, he usually 
lays upon the patient certain similar injunctions that he must always avoid 
to escape another attack. Yet, while almost every person has at least 
a few of these taboos, we have so far not met with any that applied to 
families or bands. 

Similar injunctions for Pawnee ' bundles have l)een reported and also 
for the ( "hevenne - medicine arrows. 



Openimg Bundles. 

It is safe to state that in the ritualistic ceremony for every bundle the 
chief phase is its opening. As a Blackfoot might express it, every knot and 
cord is sung off the bundle and the contents out into view. A smudge is 
made, the bundle brought down from its place in the tipi and put into posi- 
tion, each movement coming at certain stages of the songs. Thus, they 
proceed gradually until the entire bundle is undone. With very small 
bundles, the procedure is usually limited to a smudge and the unwrapping 
of the contents. The songs may accompany, or follow, as the case may be, 
but the conception is essentially the same for all, i. e., the objects contained 
therein cannot be exposed except in the ceremonial way. At the end of a 
ceremony, however, the bundle is again tied up without formalities of any 
kind. 

Dancing. 

In all the longer rituals there is some dancing though this seems to be 
incidental. After the bundle is opened, the ritual offers a number of dance 
songs or songs without words, in unison with which one or more persons 
dance about with some object. This dancing may be said to constitute 
a definite phase of the ritual. So far as we know, there was no special form 
for these dances each indi\idual being free to choose his own steps. In many 
ceremonies, the dancing is by some of the guests. Thus, an e.x-owner of a 
pipe bundle may dance with the stem, or in fact, anyone may do it if he 
cares to take the risk. Women cannot own bundles directly, except in the 



> GrinneU. (e). 351. 

> GrinneU, (d). 563. 



1912.] Wissler, Blackfool Bundles. 251 

case of the natoas, hut they may dance with certain ohjects, as for example, 
in the beaver ritual (p. 183). Such dancing should not be confused with 
group dancing which is the chief feature of collective ceremonies. 



TiiK Ritual. 

This has been discussed at some length (p. 100) but it may not be amiss 
to repeat that it is a formal interpretation of the original transfer from a 
supernatural to a natural person. It is normally opened by the narration 
of an origin myth followed by the first song of the smudge whence proceeds 
the opening of the bundle, and finally, dancing, praying, and singing over 
the contents. The same general scheme seems to underly all rituals of 
the Blackfoot. It is true that this is not so clear for the very simple rituals, 
but even in them we have the myth, the smudge, the unwTappings, and the 
singing. In most cases, the precise evolutions are fixed in order and form, 
the songs being the vhal elements. 



Painting. 

As among all Indians of the Plains, so with the Blackfoot, face painting 
is practically universal for all ceremonies. In fact no bundle ceremony 
is conceivable which does not recjuire a definite style of painting. In con- 
nection with the previous descriptions of medicine bundles we have described 
various examples of such painting and explained the symbolism of the de- 
signs. Accompanying all the large bundles is a secondary bundle contain- 
ing among other things, many bags of paint. In a pre\'ious paper ^ we have 
enumerated the various kinds of paint used, all of native preparation. With 
all rituals the supernatural transferrer either paints or exhibits a style of 
painting to the one receiving power and lays upon him the injunction to do 
likewise; hence, to expect to work the formula without ha\ing one's face 
painted in the authorized mode is out of the question. 

Some rituals require body painting but most of them seem to concern 
themselves only w^ith the face and hands. It may be that this is in part 
the effect of change in clothing due to white influence but it seems that the 
Blackfoot were originally well clothed.- Whence we may expect a lack 
of highly developed body painting. 



1 Vol. 5. 132. 
* Vol. 5, 120. 



Aidhropulixjical Papers American Museum of Xalural Hi.stonj. [Vol. VII, 



I*KAYKKS. 

It is scuiTt'ly too much to say that the Bhickfoot are given to iiiorcHnate 
prayer. They will pray for permission to speak of sacred things, to tell 
religious narratives, in fact to do any unusual serious thing. From one 
point of view, the whole proceeding in the bundle ceremony is a prayer, 
and many Indians seem conscious of such significance, yet formal prayers 
are a part of every ritual. However, the words and contents are not fi.xed, 
each shaping the expression to his desires (p. 182). It is common to address 
prayers to the dead as well as to supernatural beings. We collected a few 
texts of which the following are Duvall's translations. 

The following is a prayer to the dead medicine-pipe owners: — 
Okohel okohe! iyol ^ Painted-buff alo-tipi, Ear-rings, The-only-medi- 
ciiie-pipe-man, Calf-bull, help me, help me. Red-eagle, I call on you 
especially to help me. Help me for this now, that my family may prosper, 
that my children may prosper. Try to show us mercy that we may live 
to your old age.- This I have chosen now. Your medicine-pipes you have 
left them behind because of your old ages.'' We beseech you to help us to 
old age. You pipe men have used paints all these years; I want to be for- 
tunate in the long use of these paints. I want to be fortunate in the long 
use of the sacred prairie turnip, in the sweet pine smudge. Take pity on 
me especially for these, your own children. You pipe men were long for- 
tunate in acquiring horses and other property. I want to be fortunate 
in acquiring many of these things. Take pity on me for this. These, 
your paints and other things, I have chosen all of them. Let me dance 
happily the medicine-pipe ceremony through all the summer days. For 
all this now, you medicine-pipe men, I beseech you. We are all saved, 
old ages we shall all have. 

The following is a prayer to the thunder made by a medicine-pipe owner: 

Okohe! okohe! iyo! Thunder, we beseech you, we beseech you. Help 

me, help me. Help me in that for which I have called upon you, for old 

age, the ability to escape dangers. Have mercy on me thunder, that wing 

sign,^ that food, that good tobacco. All these have been put away for you 

' These arc expressions used only in prayer, signifying listen, talve heed, we beseech you, 
etc. 

2 It is believetl that usually owners of medicine-pipes will live to advanced age; hence, 
the request that the supplicant also be permitted to live a long life. 

' The idea is that the only way in which thoy could he separated from their medicine- 
pipes was by their l)ecoming so old that death was absolutely inevitable. 

' When medicinemen wish to get property, etc., they often make wing-like motions with 
their hands symbolizing the hawk or eagle flying about hunting. Hence, in a figurative way, 
the name for the sign is sometimes u.sed in prayers and ceremonies to signify the property or 
fees expected (p. 247). 



1912.] Wisslrr. lilarkjiu,! Iiuu,Urs. 253 

that you may do this for uw. \h\\v pity on ail cliildi-cii ami all woiiicn. 
all the old men, and middle-aged men, and mairicd men. Try to take 
notice of them; try to take notice of them. (Jrant them safety; grant them 
safety. We are glad to meet you again for the sake of fortunate flays. lM)r 
this, have mercy on me for I have chosen for myself many sunnner days that 
I may live happily; that I may see many snows. Try to show me mercy; 
take heed. 

The following is a prayer to the sun: — 

Okohe! okohel natosil iyo! Sun, take pity on me; take j)ity f)n me. 
Old age, old age, we are praying to your old age, lor that I ha\c chosen. 
Your children, morningstar, seven stars, the l)unch(>d stars, these and all 
stars, we can call upon them for help. 1 ha\-e called upon all of them. 
Take pity on me; take pity on me that 1 may live a good life. My chil- 
dren now, I have led them to old age. That which is above, now I choose, 
take pity on me. Iyo! Now then, you people, I have called upon you 
sincerely for help. Especially for this, take pity on me. Good da\'s and 
happy nights, for that take pity on me. Good days and happy nights is 
what I have called upon you for. You nuist listen to me. Iyo! Old 
age let me lead my children to it. Let me get a stock of many horses and 
other things. Take pity on me and grant all this. Then take pity on me 
that I may get the full pay for all my work. Iyo! Take pity on me; 
take pity on me; take heed. 

A distinguished leader of ceremonies said that in prayers, as well as in 
all work with rituals, the ofhciator should keep his attention fixed firmly 
upon the desired end. " Keep thinking it intensely all the time," he advised. 
This he believed to l)e the secret of success in all medicine practices. 



Horses as Ceremonial Gifts. 

In practically every transfer of a medicine bundle, however small, a 
horse or horses must be given as a fee. The association is so fixed that one 
must suspect the present system of transferring bundles to ha\c dcxeloped 
in its present form since the introduction of the horse. In a pie\ ions pub- 
lication we reviewed in brief the various attempts to fix the date for the 
introduction of horses to the Blackfoot country noting the earliest definite 
statement as that of Umfreville for 1784.^ We are now, thanks to the 
investigations of Miss Agnes C. Laut, able to place the date at 1754. She 
finds in the unpublished journal of Anthony Hendry evidences that the 
Blackfoot were in his day well provided with horses and from the Journal 

1 Vol. 5, 19. 



2.'>4 AnUirojiological I^apers American Museum of A^aturdl History. [Vol. VII^ 

of Muttlu'w Cockling, 1772, t'lirtlior confirmation of Hendry's statement 
that "All were riders — men, women, children." According to him, "The 
Blackfeet's entire lives were spent doing two things — hunting and raiding 
the Snakes of the South for horses."^ This evidence supports the estimate 
of Father Ravalli ^ quoted by Clark to the effect that the Pend D'Oreille 
first came in contact with horses about 1745. It appears then quite prob- 
able that the horse has been known to the Blackfoot for nearly two cen- 
turies which is ample time for it to haw become firmly associated with any 
ceremonial system in vogue and no tloubt ample time to have been known 
at the origin and inception of many medicine bundles described in the 
previous pages. 

A correspondent in the Los Angeles Times, May 22, 1910, in discussing 
the presence of wild horses in certain parts of Virginia states that in 1649 
there were but three hundred horses in the colony, l)ut that by 1(509 so many 
had been imported and the natural increase had been so great, that they had 
become a burden by reason of their depredations. In consequence of this, 
further importation was forbidden and in 1662 a tax was laid upon horses and 
owners were requested by law to confine their stock. In 1689 wild horses 
had become so numerous in the colony that one of the principal sports of the 
young men was to hunt them. We refer to this because it suggests the possi- 
bility of horses reaching the Indians of the Mississippi Valley from the East 
as well as from the Southwest. For if horses were running in the woods of 
^'irginia at this early date we see no reason why they should not have found 
their way on their own account to the prairies of the West. We mention 
this because the general tendency has been to refer the introduction and 
distribution of the horse to the Indians of the Plains entirely to the Spanish 
settlements of the Southwest. Though the Indians of the East lived in 
the woodlands and could not use the horse in hunting, they ne\ertheless 
did use him for traveling, as many early accounts show. Thus, there is 
every reason to believe that the horse was owned and occasionally made the 
object of intertribal trade by the Indians of the Woodlands at a very early 
date, suggesting the possibility of its introduction to tlic Plains from the 
East as well as the Southwest. 



TiiK Smudge Altar. 

Certainly for every bundle, however small, and for almost e^•ery formal 
ceremonial some vegetable substance is burned on a special altar so as to 
give forth considerable smoke, or to make a smudge. The most universal 

1 Laut. Vol. 1, 352, 378. 

2 Clark. 300. 



1912.] Wissler, Blackfoot Bundles. 255 

smudge plant is the sweetgrass {Scvastana odorata), but sweet pine (Abies, 
lasiocarpa), narrow leaved puccoon (Lithospcrmum lineanfolium), and wild 
parsnip {Lcptotaenia multifida) are used as required by the various rituals.' 
The usual procedure is for an assistant to take an ember from the fire \)y 
means of wooden tongs made from a forked stick and lay it on the snmdge 
place. The leader of the ceremony then takes some of the smudge substance 
and drops it on the ember. All those about to handle parts or accessories 
of a bundle hold their hands in the smoke and often make the receiving 
sign. Not infrequently, a new smudge is made for each stage of the cere- 
mony. Many bundles require two daily smudges in the tipi where they 
are kept. The normal position of the smudge place is back of the fire 
where the grass and surface soil is cleared away, thus forming a kind of 
altar. In shape these are rectangular, triangular, or circular, as the ritual 
may require. Usually, a little mound is raised in the center upon which the 
fire is placed. The most interesting point, however, is that the surface of 
the smudge place is frequently worked out in symbolic designs by the use 
of colored earth, the whole suggesting the sand paintings of the Southwest. 
A series of these, in outline, is shown in Fig. 35 and further details have 
been given under the various rituals to which they belong. 

The smudge altar for the beaver is simple (Fig. 35a), being a circular 
cleared space in which is a slight depression emphasized by a circular ridge 
of earth. The tongs and sweetgrass are shown in their normal positions. 
Both the inner and outer circles, symbolize the den of the beaver. 

For the smoking-otter (Fig. 35b), a triangular place is cleared and the 
surface first covered with white earth. A small depression is made in the 
center for the fire. Needles of the sweet pine are used, a bag of which lies 
at the rear. The present owner of the smoking-otter says that the triangle 
represents a heart, the heart of the otter. Sometimes a circular smudge 
place is used and symbolizes a hole in the ice used by otters. 

The catcher's pipe (Fig. 35c) used a place about one foot square and 
four inches deep with a depression in the center for the fire. Most medicine- 
pipes use this form, said by some to represent holes in the earth made by 
the thunder. 

For the hair-lock suits a more elaborate form is used (Fig. 35d). The 
grass is cleared from a space about two feet square and covered with fine 
white earth. The crescent moon is then laid out in black bordered by yellow. 
The two circular designs are of the same colors and represent the sun and 
mornin'gstar respectively. The two narrow rectangles are in red and repre- 
sent sun dogs, or perhaps beams. Back of this altar is a row of buffalo 
chips covered with sage grass. 

» Determinations of plants by McClintock, 528. 



2.')(i 



Anlliroiiologicid Pn/xr.'i Aincrican Mti.seidn of Xalurdl Ilisturj/. [Vol. \ll, 



For the natoas wo 1ki\c another type of altar (FIk'. S.jc). A hole tliirty 
inches square is excavated to a depth of six inches. Around three sides 
is a raised border of sods al)oiit si.x inches wide and three hi<;ii, upon which 




Fig 3."). Smudge Altars: a. the beaver buiulh!: h the smoking-otter; r the catcher's 
mcclicine-pipc, the Kround is red, the size about one foot square: </ the liair-loclv suits, about 
two feet sfiuare: e the natoas. about thirty inches square and six inclies tieep; /the four- 
l)U(ral()-heii(| yellow painted-tipi. one foot s(iuarc. 



creeping juniper is hi id White earth is spread over the bottom of the 
s(|uare. On tliis tlie moon is niarl<ed out in yellow with a narrow black 
center. The two \,nwU are In yellow and black representing- sun do<;s. At 



1912.) Wisslcr, Blackfool Bundles. 257 

the ends of the sod border are two eireidar plaei-s for the fire, the one on tlie 
right represents the morningstar, tliat on the left the tnistaken-niorningstar. 

The form for the buft'alo-painted tipis is shown in Fig. 3of. The grass 
is cleared from a place about one foot square and bordered on three sides 
by creeping juniper. A crescent in yellow and black represents the moon, 
while the morningstar and the mistaken-morningstar are similarly laid 
out near its horns. The two bands in yellow and black are sun dogs. The 
spot at the back represents the seat of an iniskim, or buffalo rock. The fire 
is placed on the spot in front. Beside the tongs is a bag of smudge materials. 

The foregoing are but a few types in general use. We have seen some 
with black and red grounds, some with yellow, and a few with realistic 
figures. As a rule, the smudge place for a ceremony is prepared according 
to a definite ritual and the paint for the designs strewn on with the fingers, 
accompanied by the appropriate songs. So universal, however, is the 
ownership of bundles large and small that most every tipi has a regular 
smudge place that is used without fail at least twice a day. The form of 
this is determined by the owner's chief bundles. Indians living in houses 
make a wooden tray and fill it with earth upon which the smudge altar is 
arranged. As they always place the stove in the center of the room, the 
smudge tray will be found just back of it, a location corresponding to its 
original place in the tipi. 

It seems singular that we have among the Blackfoot a combination of an 
incense altar and dry painting. The altar is itself of symbolic form and 
as such has a much wider distribution among the tribal medicine series 
than the dry painting. In the Handbook of American Indians, dry paint- 
ing is credited to the Xavajo, Apache, the various Pueblo tribes, Cheyenne, 
Arapaho, and Blackfoot. To this we may add the Dakota. Thus, in a 
general way, it is continuous throughout a large section of the continent. 
So far as we know% the Blackfoot is the only tribe regarding the painting 
as an incidental feature in incense altars, or as supplementary to the form 
symbolism. 

The Sweat House. 

All important l)undles and ceremonies require a sweat house, though 
such seems not to have been used with shields and headdresses. For the 
sun dance bundle a special form is used, one hundred willows entering into 
its construction. The usual form requires twelve to fourteen willows twined 
into an oval frame. When in use, blankets or robes are thrown over the 
frame. A hole is dug in the center for the hot stones, the dirt must be 
placed at the west side along the outer wall. These holes differ in shape: 



258 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. VII, 

circular for the beaver bundle; square for the sun dance bundle; rectangular 
for some medicine-pipe ceremonies; heart-shaped or triangular for the pipe 
transfer, the horns, buffalo tipis, etc. The circular form when used with 
the beaver bundle represents the entrance to a den, in some other ceremonies 
it represents the sun; the triangular form is usually the buffalo head. The 
number of stones is usually optional.^ 

In the main, all ordinary sweat house ceremonies are the same. The 
songs used are the sun ofiFering songs and the sun, moon, morningstar and 
Scar -face are called upon in the prayers.^ Only men enter the sweat house. 
Women or men may act as the attendants, arranging the covers, tending the 
fire, passing in the stones, water, etc. The same frame may be used many 
times but the stones must not be the same. It is said that some men get 
very fond of going into the sweat house and so go in on the least provoca- 
tion. Young men rarely enter, however, the first introduction often being 
at the transfer of important medicines and many men never have the experi- 
ence. 

Although the procedure in a sweat house is formal and there seem to be 
some definite songs, the transfer idea does not enter. No one holds the 
right to it and it is never formally acquired. 

The making of a sweat house, or providing one, and issuing an invita- 
tion to a person is in a way a sacrifice upon the part of the giver and also 
lays an obligation upon the recipient to perform some ceremonial service. 
Thus, a visiting medicine bundle owner will be given a sweat house by his 
host; if a child is to be named, one may be made for the namer; when offer- 
ings are to be made the sun, one is made for the officiator, etc. 

The door must face the east and the fire for heating the stones is on the 
east side. The stones are carried and handed in with two forked sticks, but 
inside are handled by two straight sticks. Should a stone be dropped it 
cannot be used. An eagle wing or a buffalo tail is used to beat the skin 
while in the vapor and at this point a grunting noise is made, the conven- 
tional sign for buffalo. The covers are put down and raised four times, or 
there are four baths. In each, while songs are sung, water is poured on the 
stones in seven dashes using buffalo horn spoons and formerly small wooden 
bowls. Some informants say the usual number of songs is sixteen. A 
smudge is made at the beginning. Medicine-pipe owners use a buffalo skull 

1 If at any point a heated stone falls to the ground, it must be left where it lands. It 
would bring ill luck to use it. 

2 One informant dissents from the statement of others in that no songs can be considered 
sweat house songs. He claims that in the ceremony the first songs from a ritual owned by 
the leader are simg. In case he never owned a bimdle of consequence, he may use the songs 
used by some one for whom he once formally made a sweat house. Tliis is probably a mere 
quibble since other informants regard the offering songs as the proper sweat house songs, 
recognizing that they have other fimctions. 



1912.] Wissler, Blackfoot Bundles. 259 

as in the sun dance bundle and in many eases bundles are placed on top 
while the ceremony proceeds, but so far as we know, they are never taken 
inside. 

While the one hundred willow sweat house was brought down by Scar- 
face, the mythical origin of the ordinary sweat house is somewhat compli- 
cated. Scabby-round-robe seems to have been one of the first to use it. 
The following narrative by Takes-the-gun-on-top gives many points of 
interest : — 

Once a man who was very fond of hunting and was successful in killing 
many kinds of birds and big game camped alone with his family far away 
from any other camps. He did not believe much about the sun and stars, 
but, at times, he would make offerings of birds and buffalo calf skins to 
the sun. He did this for a long time but did not think it meant anything 
to himself. That is why people ever since that time make offerings to the 
sun and stars. 

As this man had been hunting for some time he had many furs and 
feathers, and many different colored buffalo robes like the beaver and white 
buffalo. Though he did not believe in praying to the sun, still he made 
offerings to it. 

One morning, a fine looking young man came to him and said, " I was 
sent here to tell you to have your tipi fixed up. Clear away all the grass, 
place some loose white dirt on the ground, make a smudge place at the rear 
by forming a square with creeping juniper on the south, west, and north 
side, and leave the opening towards the door." 

The square was not cut out but the juniper was simply placed on the 
three sides and a lighter color of dirt placed on the inside. It was about 
eighteen inches square. On the west side were placed four buffalo chips 
in a row and juniper was placed on them. 

The young man said to the man, "My father is coming to visit you. 
He told me to tell you how to arrange your tipi." After the man had 
arranged his tipi he seated himself and waited for his guests. He had not 
been waiting long when he heard someone approaching, singing. The 
people who were singing went around to their right to the south side of the 
tipi and entered the tipi by the left of the door and sat down on the guest 
side. There were three in the party, an old man, his wife, and their son. 
The old man had a smudge stick, and some braided sweetgrass with which 
he made smudges. The old man sat to the north of the smudge place while 
his wife sat at his left, and the son to the left of her. 

He told his host to make a sweat house and how he was to do it. He was 
to use fourteen willows, and fourteen rocks were to be heated. The grass 
was all to be cleared away in the sweat house and a light colored dirt spread 



260 Anthropological Papers Arnerican Museum of Natural History. [Vol. ^'II, 

inside. The hole was to be circular, about eight inches deep, and about 
twelve inches in diameter. The house was to be covered with robes; the 
door to be covered with a beaver-colored buffalo robe, while at the west side 
a white buffalo robe was to be used. 

The old man, old woman and son did not go in at once but went around 
the south side of the sweat house and then entered. The man went out 
to the sweat house and the old man told him to bring in four of the heated 
stones and place them in a row near the hole. The man had a forked stick 
with willow tied across the fork with which he carried in the stones. He 
placed the four heated stones in a row on the west side of the hole and the 
fifth one in the center. The old man said to him," Be careful, do not drop 
any of the stones while carrying them." The old man now placed some 
sweetgrass on each of the five stones, making a smudge. A wooden bowl 
and a horn spoon were then brought in. The horn spoon was used for 
spraying the stones with water from the wooden bowl. Four short sticks 
were handed to the old man with which he placed the stones in the hole. 
The rest of the stones were now brought in and placed in the hole. At 
first, the old man washed the stones off with a little water. 

The old man told the man to lower the door flap and then he started to 
sing: "Hurry and make me a sweat house." Then the woman sang: 
" When you have made me a sweat house." The young man sang : " When 
you have made me a sweat house." During the songs the old man threw 
seven spoonfuls of water on the stones. Then he sang another song: " Let 
us have a sweat house." The old woman sang: "We will have a sweat 
house." The son sang: "We will have a sweat house." Seven songs are 
sung and water is thrown on the stones seven times and the covers are 
raised. In all, this is repeated seven times, and then they emerge. In all 
the songs the words were about the same. 

When they came out the man said to the old man, " You may have the 
beaver colored and the white buffalo robe as a gift." They went to the 
man's tipi and entered as before. When the old man was seated he called 
for some powdered charcoal, some yellow paint, and an eagle feather. 
After he had received these things he asked for a new right footed moccasin 
with a soft buckskin sole. The eagle tail feather was to mark out the 
crescent in the smudge place, the moccasin to make the mark deeper, the 
charcoal and yellow paint were to color the crescent. When these things 
were placed before the old man he sang asking for eagle tail feathers which 
the man gave to him. The old woman sang asking for feathers, and the 
man gave her a bunch of feathers. In his song, the son asked for feathers 
and was given a bunch. Then they each asked for one hundred feathers 
which they were given. They sang six of these songs. The seventh song 



1912.] Wissler, Blackfoot Bundles. 261 

was: "Hurry and mark me out." This refers to the moon in the smudge 
place. The old man marked out the moon in the smudge place. The next 
seven songs follow. Holding the moccasin, the old man sings : " Buffalo 
I take. Buffalo have started," referring to the moccasin which is made of 
buffalo hide. The next song is: "Buffalo is starting, looking for a holy 
place to sit," and then the moon is marked out deeper. He then takes up 
the yellow paint, and sings: " My paint, I take it; it is powerful. Decorate 
me nicely." This refers to the old man. The old woman and the son repeat 
the same words. Then he placed the yellow paint on half of the moon, 
took up the charcoal and sang: "Black I have taken," all three singing 
the same words. He placed the powdered charcoal on the inner circle 
of the moon. Then the sun dogs were marked out and colored black and 
yellow (see Fig. 3of). (As shown in the figure the smudge place is framed 
on three sides with creeping juniper.) A circle is made near each horn of 
the moon to represent the morningstar and the mistaken-morningstar, the 
morningstar being to the left. A black dot is placed in the center where 
the smudge is to be made. Sweetgrass is used for the smudge. While 
the old man was marking out the moon, sun dogs, and stars, seven songs 
known as feather songs were sung. There were also seven other songs. 

Now when the old man began to sing the next song which ran: "White 
buffalo robe I want," the host said, " Here is a white buffalo robe for you." 
Then the old woman says: "Elk robe I want," and the man gave her 
an elk robe. The young man asked for fisher skin in his song and the man 
gave him one. While the three were asking for these things there were 
seven more songs sung. The old man started another song: " I wonder who 
has given me all these robes and feathers." The man thought to himself, 
"I am the man who has been giving you all these things." This refers to 
things this man had given to the sun. 

Now the old man could read his host's thoughts and said to him, " My 
son, you are very wise for knowing what we wish. You seem to understand 
me. I am the sun, my wife is the moon, and our son is the morningstar. 
Since you have given me so many things I have come down to give you 
some in return. Listen carefully to my songs, notice the way I make the 
smudge, and the sweat houses. I am giving you this power and the right 
to these songs, the sweat house, and smudge place. These songs must be 
sung when sacrifices are made to me. All of them are called the sacrifice 
songs. There are more than a hundred of them. 

The words for the sun song are: 'Sun, as I have given you things take 
pity on me and spare me.' In other words. Sun, since I have given you 
presents have mercy on me and spare my life. There were seven of these 
songs. Sun then took up the forked smudge stick and taking a buffalo 



2G2 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. VII, 

dung which was broken at the corners, painted it black, and placing it 
between the forks of the stick, and holding it up towards the fire, he sang, 
"Buffalo I have taken. Buffalo is starting," and moved the stick slowly 
towards the fire stopping four times before he reached the fireplace. The 
last words of the song were: "I wonder what enemy's chief I will kill." 
Then he knocked the dung from the stick into the ashes and covered it up 
with ashes, waving the smudge stick and whooping four times. The sun 
sang during all these movements and said to the man, "By throwing the 
buffalo dung in the fire you will kill some of your enemies' chiefs for we baked 
him in the fire when we baked the dung." 

The sun explained everything to the man and told him he could sing 
these songs when he was going to make offerings to the sun. " Make a 
sweat house first, just as you have done, and when you are through with 
the sweat house you must arrange the smudge place as I ha\-e shown you 
and sing the songs I have sung. Strike the robe or shirt or whatever else 
you are offering me with a stick on one end and tie sage grass at the ends 
and about the middle of the stick. Paint the object you are ofl"ering me 
just as the smudge place is marked. If you should sing these songs or make 
the offerings at night do not use the yellow paint, use only the black. The 
crescent represents the moon; the oblong marks, the sun dogs; the two dots, 
the morningstar and the mistaken-morningstar." 

Before the robe or shirt that is offered is painted, the one making the 
sacrifice must go through the whole ceremony, singing all the songs. The 
robe may be fastened to a stick with sage grass before the singing begins, 
but the sweat house, the making of the smudge place, and the rest of the 
ceremony must be carried out entirely. 

At the close of the ceremony a closing song is sung and the robe which 
is offered is used to brush out the moon and stars marked out in the smudge. 
The juniper, sage grass, and buffalo dung, and loose dirt used in the smudge 
are taken out and placed at the back of the tipi. The offering is either tied 
up in a tree or placed on some hill spread out flat on the ground or weighted 
down with stones. 

These songs are not called the sweat house songs but are known as the 
offering songs and are sung in groups like all other medicine songs. There 
are a great number of these songs and the first are sung in groups of seven. 

Unusual forms of the sweat house may be used. In modern times in 
winter, a sweat house may be set up inside of a house, provided there is an 
earth floor. When willows are not a^•ailable back rest sticks, or other stakes, 
are driven around in a circle and joined by cords, both arQvmd and crosswise. 
Over all, blankets and robes are thrown. 



1912.] Wissler, Blackfoot Bundles. 263 



Songs. 

We have neither the intention nor the knowledge to consider the musical 
side of this problem, our concern being entirely with the functions of Black- 
foot songs. One of our informants has given a discourse upon the subject 
that may be taken as an introduction. It was as follows: — "All Blackfoot 
songs, except those learned from other tribes, are said to have been obtained 
through dreams or visions. There seems to be no idea that one could 
deliberately compose a song. A man may be walking along and hear a 
bird, insect, stone, or something else singing; he remembers the song and 
claims it as especially given to him. A man may get songs from a ghost 
in the same way. It seems that the Piegan have very good memories for 
songs since they need but hear them once. Of course, this is true only of 
dream or vision songs. There are many songs learned from other tribes, 
as those that came in with medicine bundles. The grass dance songs 
nearly all came in this way, but some were dreamed later by the dancers. 

"One never gets pow^r without a song to go with it; hence, there is 
no medicineman but has his own songs. In olden times, when a painted- 
tipi was transferred, all the owners of painted-tipis would gather and help 
the purchaser out with new songs. Most owners of medicine bundles, as 
medicine-pipes, beaver bundles, smoking-otters, and all painted-tipi owners 
usually dream new songs after obtaining their bundles. Anyone may dream 
of songs, however; but the owner of a bundle is almost certain t-o do so. 

"Now, some songs, as those of the medicine-pipe, the kit fox society, 
and the horse medicine are very powerful. It is dangerous to sing them as a 
joke. (We omit a number of cases cited in evidence.) 

"All good warriors never enter battle without first giving their war 
songs and even during the fight they sing because the songs are supposed 
to protect them from all dangers. Thus, it seems that the Piegan have a 
song for nearly everything they do. The doctors all have their own songs 
and we often hear one of them accusing others of using his songs in doctor- 
ing. A doctor must get his own songs and power and cannot transfer them 
to another. Yet, when a great doctor dies one may be given songs 1)\- his 
ghost in a dream or vision. 

"Women get songs and also power through dreams, l)ut usually these 
are old women. One rarely hears of a young woman having great power 
as a doctor. Some women have power to bring ghosts around and talk 
with them. 

"The cheering, or praise songs, are usually sung by old men and women, 
especially the latter. One rarely hears a young man or woman rendering 
these songs. As the moon was an old woman when she was singing the 



264 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [\o\. VII, 

praise songs for Scar-face when he showed great bravery in kiUing the 
dangerous birds, so even nowadays, it is usual for old women to sing the 
cheering songs. 

"Men are the better singers. They are less backward about their 
singing and learn more songs, though the women could flo as well, if they had 
the chance, for women are not supposed to try to learn all the different 
songs like the men. One seldom hears women singing alone in any gather- 
ing, though they join the male singers in the ceremonies with the different 
societies and medicine bundles. This is not because they do not know the 
songs, but because of good form. It is not proper for women to sing alone 
in public. However, when women play the stick game, they sing without 
men and also when women doctor. They may sing the cheering songs alone 
and occasionally one or more old women may sing at the sun dance. A 
woman alone or at home may sing all she likes, provided her husband permit. 
Yet, it is not good form for a young woman to be frequently singing even at 
home, for it is a sign of boldness, etc. On the other hand, an old woman 
may sing all she likes, she is so old that no notice is taken of her singing. 
This is why the men lead in singing and the knowledge of songs. 

" Old women are skillful in singing babies to sleep. These cradle songs 
seem to be chiefly improvised affairs. Some of them run, 'Come, wolf, 
bite this baby; he won't sleep. Come, old woman, with your meat-pounder 
and smash this baby's head. Come in drunken man, get this baby, he 
will not stop crying.' 

"There are some humorous songs as the mice songs, Napiwa doctor- 
ing the girl he killed, the Blood frozen in the mountains, and a similar song 
about the Piegan. Some of the wolf songs are quite laughable. When 
boys are shooting at a mark with arrows, they have a special song. Also, 
in the skunk game a special song is used.^ 

" In all songs there are few words. In many rituals there are but three 
or four real words to a song. The Blackfoot laughs at a white man's songs, 
he says, 'White man talks all the way through his songs.' The Blackfoot 
are given to Ijeating time when they sing. They beat a drum, use a rattle, 
bells, beat with a stick, or with the foot. They can scarcely sing without 
beating time. 

"When men and women sing together the latter wait and join in with 
their voices at certain parts only, where the combination of voices sounds 
better. This is something like white man's singing when all join in the 



1 Vol. 7, 58. It is usual for the leader of the ceremony only, to utter the words in the 
songs, the other singers giving only the conventional syllables. This makes absolute 
exactness ot wording imnecessary and may account for the differences we have observed 
in the songs for a given ritual as reported by different owners. 



1912.] Wissler, Blackfoot Bundlc'i. 265 

chorus. As the women have fine voices they improve the singing at certain 
points. 

"When a good story teller is narrating and comes to the place where 
singing was done, he will sing the song and then go on with the tale. This 
makes the story more interesting." 

The reader who has struggled through these pages has doubtless been 
impressed with the almost ovei'whelming number of songs associated 
with the various bundles for we have, in fact, recorded but a fraction of 
them. On the other hand, it often happens that songs fall into groups and 
that the same group may be used with different bundles; nevertheless, 
the number of songs is truly surprising. Since the song seems to be the 
vital element in the ritual, we may at this point discuss songs in general 
irrespective of medicine-bundle associations. From our standpoint, all 
Blackfoot songs are included in the following classes : those anyone may sing; 
medicine-bundle songs; and those of absolute individual ownership. 

The following is Du^•al^s list of groups or classes of songs segregated 
under the preceding heads: — 

A. Songs of general ownership 

1. Cheering songs 

2. Victory songs (hair-lock songs) 

3. Wolf songs 

4. The all-comrade societies' songs 

5. The night singers' songs 

6. Raising-the-pole songs 

7. Weather-dancers' songs 

8. Gambling, or game, songs 

9. Dancing association songs (grass dance, tea dance, etc.) 

10. "Smoking around at night" songs (kissing dance, etc.) 

11. Scout songs 

B. Medicine bundle, or transferable, songs. 

1. Regular ritual songs (all bundles) 

2. War songs 

a. All shield songs 

b. All weasel-tail suits (Courage, or running-walk, songs) 

c. Some of the painted-tipi songs 

d. Some of the medicine-pipe songs 

e. Some of the beaver songs 

f. Some of the smoking-otter songs 

g. Some of the natoas songs 

h. Some of the bear knife songs 
i. Some of the lance songs 



266 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. VII, 

3. The tail-feather, or sun-offering songs (sweat house songs) 
C. Individual, or non-transferable, songs 

1. Doctor's songs 

2. Individual war songs 

3. Restoring life songs 

Songs of General Ownership. The preceding discussions have made the 
reader familiar with the Blackfoot conception of the transfer and the peculiar 
ownership of supernatural rapport. Many songs fall under this scheme, 
but there are others that anyone may use, regardless of any transfer cere- 
mony. 

The cheering, or praise songs have been noted in the introductory state- 
ment. The victory songs are sometimes spoken of as the hair-lock, or 
scalp songs. They are sung by a successful war party approaching, and in 
sight of, their home camp; also when a victorious party falls in with a friendly 
party. At the scalp dance, or victory celebration, the cheering songs are 
used, and at any time when a man recounts his deeds. 

The various all-comrade societies have their own songs. Young people 
sometimes go about the tipis at night singing and there are special songs 
for these night-singers.^ At such times men and women sometimes ride 
double. Very popular songs are those used when about to erect the sun 
dance structure and when approaching a new country or the camp of an 
alien but friendly tribe. McClintock speaks of these as the tribal hymn.^ 
The weather dancer is an important functionary in the sun dance and enters 
in procession, for this also there are songs. For gambling and games there 
are distinctive songs, the most popular series being that of the stick game. 
The dances, or dance associations all have their own songs, as the tea dance, 
the kissing dance, the grass dance, etc. In these as well as in all other cases 
a Blackfoot has no difficulty in telling to what particular series any song 
he may hear belongs. 

When a war party is out, the scouts are charged with responsibility and 
around their functions centers much that is ceremonial. The scout songs 
are sung by the party as the scouts set out and during their absence. When 
they are seen returning, the party forms in a circle, while the scouts shout 
three or four times. As they come in, one of them goes to the leader and 
whispers his report, after which the leader makes an announcement. 

Perhaps the most unique of all are the wolf songs, or " tapping the stick" 
songs.^ They are sung by the different members of a war party at night 

1 McCUntock, 281, 615. 

2 McClintock, 515. 

3 Same as Grinnell's "peeling a stick song," (c), 251. Duvall writes in substance: this 
tapping refers to beating time with a stick or ram-rod on the barrel of a gun as when a war 
party is singing. Most writers call these love songs perhaps because they refer to women, 
but they are not love songs at all in the sense white people understand the word. 



1912.] Wissler, Blackfool Bundles. 267 

and again when in sight of the enemy, but ne\-er in battle. They are 
supposed to give success and good fortune. They may, however, be sung 
by anyone, men, women, and children, at any time. Girls often sing them 
to their lovers and boys to their sweethearts. All the wolf songs end with 
a, howl, or wolf call, which expresses or symbolizes whatever the singer 
wishes to obtain, because the wolf howls when he is out on quest. 

When a war party is forming, they gather in the evening and sing wolf 
songs, beating time upon a rawhide. Some dance with a rope in one hand 
and a quirt in the other, whipping their legs, to symbolize the expected 
capture of horses from the enemy. However, there is very little dancing, 
the party usually sitting and singing songs. From the time of this meeting 
until the party turns back for home, certain rules must be carefully observed. 
In handing a knife to another, the handle and not the blade must be toward 
the hand to receive it; otherwise, you hand out danger as well as the knife. 
There must be no disputes. No harsh or vile words are to be used. No one 
should speak of escapades or relations with women. No other than wolf 
songs are to be sung, except in face of the enemy. The word shoot must 
never be mentioned; but in speaking of hunting or war one may sing, "I 
hit him. I touched him," etc. 

After the party has been out a few days and killed some game and 
■camped for the night, the leader announces, "Now, it is time to sing the 
wolf songs. They will give us good luck in getting horses. Each of you 
must sing in turn and say a few words used by your sweetheart when you 
saw her last. You must give her name. You must tell the truth and not 
lie about any woman; to do so will mean certain ill luck, he alone of all 
the party will meet with misfortune." It is explained that the affair men- 
tioned must have been of short duration ; that soon after meeting the woman, 
he accomplished his purpose. Should one sing of an affair that was long 
drawn out or abortive, it will be the same with him when trying to run off 
the horses of the enemy. Thus, the idea is that one may overcome here as 
he did in the case of the women. While it is true that in the song, it is 
usually only some last remark of the woman that is quoted and there is no 
mention whatever of what took place, the fact that she is named at all is 
sufficient. And she must be named, even though her husband, brother, 
etc., may be present. The singer may exhibit a ring, lock of hair, bracelet, 
awl, etc., the woman gave him, as evidence of truthfulness. The whole 
party sings in unison but at the point where one is to utter the words all 
drop to softer tones so that everything may be understood. All keep 
time by gently tapping gun barrels with ram-rods, or sticks, or l)y striking 
two sticks together. After all have sung each speaks out his expectations, 
as guns, horses, etc. Then they feast upon the meat. The singing and 
the tapping are not loud, as this is a war party. 



268 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. VII, 

The origin of the wolf songs is as follows : Once when a war party was 
out they heard some one singing, "Calf, I want to eat it." When they 
looked around they saw a coyote. At the end of each song, he would howl. 
The leader of the party sent out some of his men to kill a calf and as there 
were buffalo near, one was soon brought in. The leader said to the coyote, 
" There is your calf, help us to have good luck." The party went on their 
way and when they looked back they saw the coyote eating the calf. Now, 
this war party was very successful and brought in many horses. So ever 
since war parties sing these songs for good luck. 

Transferable Songs. When one comes to own a medicine bundle, he 
likewise owns the ritual and can therefore sing the songs. They are truly 
his songs. ^ This class then includes all bundle songs, whether the bundles 
be large or small, the rituals brief or long. The songs usually take their 
names from the bundle with which they are associated, though in case of 
long rituals, like the medicine-pipe, and the beaver bundle, there may be 
sub-groups of songs. Thus in the beaver we have the sun and moon songs, 
the whistle songs (referring to a whistle the morningstar gave Scar-face), 
the tobacco songs, the buffalo songs, the smudge songs, the elk songs, etc. 

From the standpoint of function, war songs occupy a place at the head 
of the list. The war songs we have in mind are regarded as the true war 
songs and are parts of rituals. Further, they are seldom sung except in 
the regular ceremonies. As indicated in the list they are found in most 
bundles and in such find their true function, chiefly that of transferring the 
rapport of the original experience to the new owner. There are, however, 
war songs sung by warriors when facing danger or just as they are going 
into battle, to protect them and give them courage. These are associated 
with small bundles and are, therefore, ritual songs. Thus an informant 
says, "When enemies are in sight, each warrior makes a smudge, unwraps 
his little bundle, paints his face, and sings his song or songs. He goes 
around through the party singing and exhorting them to be brave and ready 
to do their part." These are of the type considered under personal charms 
(p. 91). 

For further illustration the statement of a Piegan is added: — "When 
men are to go to war they call upon some old man who has been fortunate 
or who has handled many bundles. They may make a sweat house and then 
invite him to enter. When in the sweat house, they ask for some power 



1 Thus an informant states: — Nowadays, when one purchases, or has transferred to 
him, a ritual containing one or more songs, the former owner must not sing them. Should 
he be heard doing so, the new owner makes emphatic protest. Sometimes disputes arise as 
to ownership of certain songs, because some dishonest man sold the same ritual to several 
different men. When foimd out, this makes a scandal. 



1912.] Wissler, Blackfont Bundles. 269 

ritual and that he pray for them while they are on the warpath. Then the 
old man will give out a song and some object as a plume, feathers, skins, 
etc., to be worn in battle, also a face painting. He will give instructions 
as to the ritual and the care of the charm, or bundle. He tells them about 
dreams, those indicating disaster and those heralding victory. Now, the 
bundle is opened and the song or songs sung only when about to enter battle 
or steal into the camp of the enemy to run off horses. When the partj^ 
is out, the old man prays daily for the success of the one to whom he gave 
the bundle. If he returns with spoils, the old man receives a portion. 

" When warriors are getting ready to go into battle, each paints and opens 
his little bundle, tying on his person the various objects and sings the song 
relating thereto. Some ride through the crowd boldly, exhibiting their 
courage as they sing and exhorting all. Some ride around the outside sing- 
ing and encouraging everyone." 

Though our informants do not make the point clear, it seems that one 
may call upon medicine-pipe and beaver bundle owners for some object 
from the bundle to carry to war and the temporary use of its song. This 
seems to be limited to the true war songs in the ritual. Presents must be 
given for this either before or after returning from war. It often happened 
that when one having use of such objects returned with many fine horses, 
the bundle owner offered to transfer the whole bundle with the ritual. This 
was partly for the sake of the horses to be received and partly from a feeling 
that since the warrior had been very successful, the bundle would be best 
in his keeping. 

The foregoing war songs should not be confused with certain incH\idual 
war songs, or non-transferable songs to be considered later. 

The Tail-feather, Sun-offering, or Sweat House Songs. These songs were 
handed down, so it is said, to the original bea\'er man who in turn transferred 
them to the natoas ritual and also to the buffalo tipi rituals. They are 
used in sweat houses when offerings are to be made to the sun, also in the 
all-smoking ceremonies. According to the tale, the sun, moon, and the 
morningstar came down one day, made a sweat house for the beaver man 
and taught him some songs. When the sun sang, he asked for a sweat house, 
and some tail-feathers; the moon sang for a sweat house and some skins; 
the morningstar sang for different kinds of feathers. This beaver man was 
a great hunter, so he had many different pelts, as otterskin, fisher, mink, 
and beaver, also many kinds of feathers. So the sun and his famil\- came 
down, appearing to him as people. They began to transfer their powers to 
him and whatever they asked for in the songs, that the beaver man handed 
them at once. Thus the songs were transferred. So now these songs seem 
to be sung in many ceremonies to symbolize the transfer about to take place. 



270 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. VII, 

The giving of pieces of cloth, and, in fact any object, to the sun is a 
common rehgious duty. Such objects are placed upon hills or hung in trees 
after formally announcing the offering, singing the sun-offering songs, and 
performing other rites. 

Doctor's Songs. Although we have considerable data we are not entirely 
clear as to how the terms shaman and doctor should be applied to the Black- 
foot. Thus, among the Dakota it seems that a shaman is a rare individual 
who has at some time, at least, had direct communication with a higher 
power, while a doctor is anyone of many, manifesting skill in handling sick- 
ness. On the other hand, a Blackfoot doctor is one having a true super- 
natural experience that gives him or has powder over disease while the medi- 
cineman (shaman) may have only the transferred experience of men long 
since dead. In all this no hard and fast line seems to be drawn by the 
Blackfoot, each man being known by his specialties rather than by his class. 
Both the doctoring and shamanistic functions are widely diffused among 
the people. On one thing however, our informants insist, a doctor regards 
his chief power as associated with one or two songs, songs given him direct 
by supernatural agencies and which he cannot transfer. It also follows that 
no other person can use these songs. The power of these songs is usually 
specific: i. e., one formula is good only for headache, another for bullet 
wounds, another for lung-bleeding, etc. Thus, it often happens that a 
doctor can treat but one particular trouble and since the powers of most men 
are quite well known, the people know upon whom to call in each case. 

Tricks, or manipulations, seem to be credited to powers acquired in 
the same way but to have no functional relation to anything else. We 
heard of men able to tie the barrels of guns into knots, spit out bullets, 
vomit frogs, etc., but these were looked upon as individuals, and not as a 
class. ^ 

A specialized form of these non-transferable songs, certainly more mythi- 
cal than real, is used with a secret formula to restore life. A man will 

1 Duvall writes; — Mourning-eagle has power to find anything lost. He first paints his 
face and then can tell tlie loser just where the thing will be found. He can also dive into 
deep water and bring out a live fish. He is also a doctor for the sick. Also he was given the 
power to exert great strength. Once he placed a large stone on a sweat house and no four 
men in the camp were able to lift it. 

Some men and women have ghosts that stay by them all the time, the ghost being the 
spirit of a dead person they knew. They talk with the ghost in a peculiar whistling voice 
but cannot see it. They often feed it by placing a bowl of food behind a ciu-tain or in a dark 
corner, when one may hear the ghost rattling around. When the bowl is brought out again, 
it is empty. Anyone caring to hear such a ghost talk may do so by visiting the tipi of a ghost 
owner at night since ghosts do not talk much in daytime. The tipi must be dark. Some 
people make fun of such ghosts, claiming they are fakes, wliile others say it is true. Old 
women more often have ghost companions than men. Sometimes their ghosts will throw 
them into faints for a time. Ghosts tell much about the manner of life in the "Sand Hills." 
They say they cannot travel in windy weather for they are so light they blow away. 



1912.] Wissler, Blackfoot Bundles. 271 

confide in a friend that, if he die, he is to perform a certain fornuda and 
sing a certain song, when he will revive. Naturally, we recorded no ex- 
amples of this formula, though it is illustrated in a myth published in our 
first paper.i A considerable collection of these tales could be made with- 
out difficulty. 

There are also non-transferable war songs of which most men have one 
each, rarely more. It is not clear, but seemingly one need not have such a 
song from a direct supernatural source, yet in theory it should so originate. 
In any event, it remains with the owner always, even with his spirit. It is 
more than a war song, it is the final appeal, or play, to be made in any 
moment of peril when all other formulae have failed. In some cases these 
songs are associated with an intrusive object in the owner's body (p. 80). 
None of these songs were recorded. 

Grouping and Symbolism. In practically all large rituals the songs 
are sung by sevens: i. e., the rests, lectures, and preparations are each sepa- 
rated by seven songs. It is even usual to count songs by sevens, as the 
first seven, the second seven, etc. So far as we could learn, no ritual 
counted songs by fours or any other number than seven. There were, 
of course, many bundles with less than seven songs, but grouping was 
unnecessary with so small a number. 

In most ritual songs we find the terms. Old Man, Old Woman, Young- 
single-man, and Man. These seem to have a fixed significance, respectively 
the sun, moon, morningstar, or mistaken-morningstar, and the first beaver 
man to whom sun gave the offering songs and other powers. 

Comparative Notes^ While a comparative study of Blackfoot songs is 
out of the question, it may be suggestive to summarize the opinions of James 
Murie to whom the writer once ran off the entire Blackfoot collection of 
phonographic records. The Blackfoot manner of singing is quite different 
from that of the Pawnee but bears some resemblance to that of the Arikara 
and the Mandan. The medicine-pipe songs seem to have very little re- 
semblance to the Pawnee or Arikara songs. Those of the otter painted-tipi 
bear a general resemblance to certain Pawnee medicine songs, but this is 
somewhat doubtful. The victory songs seem to have the same character- 
istic endings and to be identical among the Blackfoot, Arikara, and Pawnee. 
The game songs, especially those belonging to the stick game, were the same 
among many tribes. The grass dance songs have a peculiar rhythm and 
record No. 468 is identical in rhythm with one of the Pawnee songs, but 
No. 469 is quite different. The Blackfoot tea dance songs were recognized 
as similar to Pawnee drinking songs, and No. 472 reminded him of an Ari- 



2/2 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. VII, 

kara song. The kissing dance of the Blackfoot is analogous to the woman's 
dance of the Arikara and the songs seem to be the same. 

Mr. Murie also ran over the songs for men's societies finding that those 
of the catchers were similar to the Pawnee crow dancers. No. 450, a kit-fox 
song seems identical with the Pawnee fox dance song, while No. 447 for 
the front tails has two songs seemingly identical to buffalo dance songs used 
by the Mandan and Arikara where they occur about the middle of the 
ritual when a man imitating the buffalo goes outside of the lodge and dances 
round about. No. 445 for the all-brave dogs agrees exactly with one for 
the corresponding society among the Arikara and Pawnee. Nos. 437-41 
belonging to the horse medicine ritual occur in similar medicines for the 
Pawnee and Arikara. For the bull society, Nos. 431 and 432 correspond 
closely to songs used by the corresponding society among the Arikara. 

The Blackfoot sun dance songs reminded ]VIr. Murie very much of 
certain Cheyenne songs and he thought that some of the medicine-pipe 
songs also resembled the Cheyenne. Certain songs in the collection, es- 
pecially those of the moon series in the beaver ritual and also No. 368, 
one of the medicine-pipe group, were quite different from anything that 
jNIr. Murie had ever heard. He says further, that the Pawnee have a 
kind of song not found among the Blackfoot. They have a different way 
of rendering them. Usually the introduction is sung by one person, the 
whole assembly joining in the chorus. The Pawnee songs are rather long, 
and give the story, which, of course, is only slightly expressed in words. 
A Pawnee may often know the music but still not know the manner of render- 
ing the song or the words which it contains. 

He thought it probable that songs were readily handed on from one 
tribe to another. For example, once when among the Arikara some visit- 
ing Gros Ventre induced him to sing two Pawnee songs. Some time after 
this he heard some Crow Indians singing these same songs and upon inquiry 
found out that they had learned them from the Gros Ventre. 



The Transfer. 

As we stated at the outset the Blackfoot conception of a ritual, or power, 
is of something that brings about a relation, or rapport, between the super- 
natural source and a single individual. A medicine bundle is the material 
counterpart of the ritual. In initiation, an individual and the supernatural 
meet face to face, the latter formally announcing that he assumes a relation 
to the former for certain more or less specific reasons. The con\'entional 
expression of this relation takes the form of ritual we have described. The 



1912.] Wissler, Blackfool Bundles. 273 

fundamental conception, however, is that l)y certain processes a second 
individual may be substituted for the first and so ad infinitum: i. e., the 
power, or rapport, may be transferred. This transfer is often spoken of 
as a purchase or sale, because the individual reh'nquisliing the ritual receives 
property. The conception of the Indian, however, is that the owner of a 
ritual is given property not to compensate him for its loss, but as an expres- 
sion of gratitude on the part of the one about to receive it. Nevertheless, 
the fact is that when one gets a ritual he gives up property, and again, when 
he parts with it, receives property. 

All the bundles described in this paper are subject to transfer. Indeed 
to the Blackfoot a bundle without this quality would be an absurdity. Xo 
matter how large or involved the}' may become each has, in theory, an 
individual owner. Elsewhere we ha\e noted that the rituals, or formulae, 
used in treating the sick are not considered transferable. Also, there is a 
tendency to regard certain indi\idual experiences (p. 79) as non-transfer- 
able; but no rule was discovered, our impression being that the non-trans- 
ferable character was confined entirely to doctor's formulae and those 
experiences by which one came to have a presence within upon which life 
depended. While it is true that any bundle may be appealed to in sickness, 
such appeals are in the nature of vows, and should not be confused with 
the treatment of a doctor. Finally, it should be noted that for neither the 
doctor's formulae nor the internal presence is there a bundle, or definitely 
associated material object. It is safe to say that to the Blackfoot every 
unusual dream or vision experience not so excepted is considered authoriza- 
tion for a bundle and a transfer. 

Whatever may have been the origin of the transfer conception it even- 
tually became a system with religious, social, and economic functions. 
It is regarded as desirable to own and transfer many bundles, chiefly since 
it is a religious duty, gives social prestige and because it is usually a good 
investment. The transferring experiences of one living under this system 
may be estimated from the life records of three Piegan men of medium 
standing and worth. 

o. When Bad-old-man was young and unmarried, he bought an otter- 
skin decorated with weasel tails and small bells on its legs and with its 
neck wrapped with beads and paid a horse for it. This was used on the 
warpath. The same summer he bought a war-bonnet and also paid a horse 
for it. About three years later he bought a weasel-tail suit, paid a horse 
for it, and about three years after that was presented with another weasel- 
tail shirt. After four years, he bought a horn bonnet for which he paid a 
horse. Then he lost the weasel-tail suit in a wheel gambling game and sold 



274 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. VII, 

the war-bonnet for a horse. Later, he lost the other weasel-tail shirt in 
a wheel gambling game. Then his father gave him a feather headdress 
used in war. A few years later he bought another weasel-tail suit and vowed 
to dance with a medicine-pipe for which he paid blankets and other small 
objects. Then he sold the horn bonnet for a horse. He bought a war 
bonnet with trailers which was used in the horn society. 

When he was still a boy his father bought a medicine-pipe. He was 
included in the transfer which gave him a title to part of the pipe; in other 
words, he was one of the family. He was painted in the transfer ceremony 
to designate him as the son of a medicine-pipe owner. 

Bad-old-man, is about seventy-five years old and his memory is poor 
and it is rather hard for him to tell the correct years of the purchase and 
selling of his things. 

b. When Big-brave was nineteen years old, he bought a horn bonnet 
for which he paid a horse. Later, he lost this bonnet in a wheel gambling 
game. When he was twenty-one he bought a stick which was to be used 
on the bridle as horse medicine and paid a horse for this also. These things 
he got without going through the transfer ceremony. As the stick had many 
bags of dangerous powdered medicines tied to it Big-brave was afraid to keep 
it and gave it away. 

One time, Big-brave's father dreamed some great power. He made a 
big bunch of feathers, taking one from all the different birds, a drum, and a 
red flannel coat trimmed with otterskin and brass buttons. There were 
fourteen songs with these things and also a rattle which was used as a brave 
dog rattle. The coat, drum, and feathers were to be used for war and they 
were transferred to Big-bra^'e who paid a horse for them. He kept these a 
long time. Finally, the coat was sold among the Piegan, then to the North- 
ern Blackfoot, and back to the Piegan again and when Bull-shoe, the last 
owner died he was buried with it. Since then Big-brave has made up this 
coat again and still owns it and the feathers. The drum was sold to Day- 
rider about three years ago. 

When he was twenty-two he bought a straight-up war-bonnet which 
was transferred to him in the usual way. He gave a horse and other things 
in payment for it. He says he can only remember eight of the songs which 
belong to the bonnet. Five days after purchasing it, he sold it without 
the transfer ceremony to a North Blackfoot for two buffalo robes. The 
same year he bought a shield for which he paid a horse and other things. 
There were many songs for the shield but Big-brave can only remember 
ten. The next winter he bought a weasel-tail suit for which he paid a horse. 
There were only four songs for this. During the winter he sold the shield 



1912.] Wi.'^der, Blackfoot Bundles. 275 

for whisky and the next summer bought an otter painted-tipi for which he 
paid two horses. This tipi had many songs some of which were known as 
the tipi songs and others as the iniskim songs. That summer he sold the 
weasel-tail suit to Bear-chief who paid two horses for it. The next year 
he bought an entire skin of a fisher which was decorated with bells and 
weasel skins and was to be used in war. For this he paid a horse. In the 
transfer ten songs were sung for it. After he had the fisher skin for a year 
he sold it to a Blackfoot and also sold his otter tipi to Many-white-horses 
for each of which he received a horse. When he was twenty-nine years 
old he bought for two horses the snake-water-animal tipi which is said to 
come from the sun. Most of its songs were iniskim songs. After this 
he sold it to Tail-feathers for two horses. The next year, he bought a 
weasel tail suit, paying a horse for it, but he did not buy it through the cere- 
mony since he had been- through it before. Then his brother-in-law gave 
him an otterskin used in war and transferred many songs to him with it. 
For this he only paid a blanket coat, but sold it ten days later for a horse. 
When he was thirty-one years old, he bought the smoking-otter and paid 
four horses for it. A year later he sold it to a Blackfoot for three horses. 
During the last three years he has bought some of the Crow water medicine 
which consists of tobacco seeds, a rattle, a wing used as a fan, and a drum. 
There are many songs that go with these things which were bought from 
the Crow Indians for three horses and many other things. Big-brave has 
also had the ghost dance ceremony transferred to him and may lead the 
dance whenever he is asked to do so. 

A few years ago Big-brave dreamed about a pipe known as the black- 
cover pipe which he made up. Since he sold it, it has been owned by several 
different people. There are about twenty-one songs for this pipe and the 
transfer ceremony is about like that of the other black-cover pipes. 

c. W^hen Bear-skin was about twenty years old he purchased a horn 
bonnet and paid a horse for it. Next he bought a shield, paying a horse, 
kept it five years, then he bought the Never-sits-down-shield. Some Blood 
Indians stole the last from its tripod one evening. Next he bought a disc 
of brass used as a headdress and war medicine for which he gave a horse. 
Four years afterward he sold it and bought a horse bonnet for which he 
also paid a horse. Five years later his father died with whose body he 
placed the horse bonnet. Next he purchased an otter painted-tipi and 
later a weasel-tail suit. Next he bought a hair-lock suit at whose transfer 
the sun-offering songs were rendered. Some time after this, his brother-in- 
law then upon his death bed, gave him a medicine-pipe but he did not go 
th.-ough the transferring ceremony whence the pii)e was sold to Three-l)eurs. 



27(i Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. VII, 

Then Bear-skin bought the striped painted-tipi which was the last thing 
he owned. Bear-skin is now about seventy-five years old and says that 
when a man has once bought many different medicine bundles he is spoken 
of as a wealthy man although he may in reality be Aery poor. 

When we say that it is one's religious duty to own bundles we have in 
mind several obligations. For one thing all bundles should be properly 
cared for. Though owned by an individual, others are not free to stand 
idly by and see him shirk the requirements of the ritual. Hence, it follows 
that competent owners should always be found. As one man or even a 
few men cannot afford to own all the bundles many must come forward 
to bear part of the burden. On the other hand, the feeling is that a man 
owes something to himself. We suppose that in all religions there are 
definite compensations; anyhow a Blackfoot expects long life, health, and 
happiness to follow the ownership and proper care of bundles. Thus 
it becomes a part of his duty to take out insurance, as it were. Even the 
ex-owner of a bundle is believed to participate forever, though to a less 
degree, in this insurance against the wrath of the supernatural. 

On the social side a man is judged wealthy and resourceful if many 
important bundles have passed through his hands. It was formerly a 
custom to call all the married men together for a formal smoke when each 
in turn announced the bundles he had owned and the amount of property 
sacrificed. Those having a long list were cheered while those having a 
short one were ridiculed. There is also something like the recognition of 
intellectual attainments in the respect accorded those who learn many 
rituals and show skill in conducting the ceremonies. Thus, it will be said, 
that A must be well informed and wise because he owned many bundles. 
Even though one may fall a victim to utter poverty, he may still, if the 
ex-owner of many bundles, be spoken of as wealthy and powerful. 

If A transfers a bundle to B, the latter must give the former presents of 
horses or other property. There seems to be no fixed price, but B is expected 
to give as much as A dispensed when he himself secured the bundle. A 
announces before the people that he gave so many horses, blankets, etc., 
whence B can ill afford to give less; in fact, it is expected that he give more.^ 

1 New-breast, an informant, says that when a bundle owner is about to sell his bundle he 
calls on a man to transfer it and usually makes arrangements with him to try to procure as 
much as he can for it. During the ceremony, the transferrer prompts the purchaser as to 
what he must pay for each song or object in the bimdle, the owner keeping silent as to the 
fees. While the transfer is going on the purchaser is frequently cheered to distract his atten- 
tion and thus lead him to pay larger fees. As the transferrer is paid for his work by the bundle 
owner he usually tries to induce the purchaser to buy the bundle, teUing him that he can sell 
it some day. Some, of coiu-se, gain through the transaction, while others lose. For instance, 
one man may buy a bundle for six horses, and sell it for ten, while the second purchaser may 
sell it for only five horses. The idea all through the transfer is to get as much in fees as 
possible. Although a man may not get as much for a bundle as he paid for it, he cannot take 
it back. 



1912.] Wissler, Blncl-foot Bundles. 277 

Thus, the tendency would be to increase the expense, a supposition confirmed 
by our informants for, whereas for example, medicine-pipes formerly 
required but two or three horses, they now often go to thirty head. This 
tendency toward increased valuation seems not to be considered by the 
Blackfoot, but they do regard a bundle as a good investment because of its 
absolute indestructible nature and its ready convertibility. As stated 
elsewhere, the bundle may be lost or destroyed without seriously damaging 
the owner, since he owns the ritual which is immaterial. Further, most 
bundles can be forced upon another against his will. For example, a pipe 
owner wishing to con\ert his bundle into property selects a well-to-do man 
and forces the transfer, thus making sure of full return on his investment. 
However, it is not always possible to realize in full for when a man makes a 
vow to secure a bundle, the owner has no recourse but to accept whatever 
the transferrer is able to give. Even at other times, the transferee may 
defy ridicule and give something less than the transferrer received. Again, 
the bundle may fall into disrepute and be taken for a small return. All 
these are, however, exceptions. While with us young men are exhorted 
to open a savings account, among the Blackfoot they are advised to become 
owners of medicine bundles. Even after transferring a bundle to another, 
one may be called upon to officiate in its ceremony for which he receives 
fees, which is an additional source of profit. Since bundles are frequently 
transferred such returns are almost as sure as annuities. Should a bundle 
owner die with it in his possession, it will be cared for by some ex-owner 
and eventually transferred by him to a new owner, the family, or heirs, 
of the deceased receiving the property given, less a fee for the administrator. 
Thus, it is clear that the system of bundle ownership and transfer has a 
recognized economic function, remotely similar to the potlatch, though we 
see no basis for assuming an historical relation. 

The relatives of a bundle purchaser may cooperate in supplying horses 
and other property. It often happens that a man purchasing a bundle is 
himself poor and able to offer but a single horse. In such cases it is custom- 
ary for a herald to ride about the camp making a public announcement 
that so-and-so is about to purcha.se a bundle and that it is incumbent upon 
his relatives to bring in horses and other property so that he may make 
proper return. So far as we could learn, such cooperation was usual, since 
only a few wealthy head men were able to purchase large and important 
bundles without such help. Individuals who thus contributed, had no 
property rights in the bundle nor pri\'ileges of any kind, except that when 
the bundle was again transferred, they expected to receive an equal return 
for what they contributed. 

The following is a typical announcement of a transfer, translated from a 



278 Anthropological Papers American Mtiseiivi of Natural History. [Vol. VII, 

text on the transfer of an otter painted-tipi : "Married-men, old-men, and 
women, take heed! He invites you; he is to receive a medicine; Tail- 
feathers-coming-over-the-hill is his name. That there yellow painted-tipi 
you see, is the place. Come to help him out with many things, this here 
man that is to receive the medicine. Chief Heavy-runner, gather things 
together. You Fat-roasters (a band) get together all things needed for 
this transfer, for this is also your chief that is to receive medicine." 

Another interesting point is that the transferrer and transferee are often 
spoken of as father and son. Thus, if A buys a bundle from B, and C leads 
the transfer ceremony, B is the father, A, the son, and C is called the trans- 
ferrer. The bundle owner and his wife are always the father and mother, 
while the purchaser and his wife are always the son and daughter. Even 
in the case of a bundle owner himself transferring the bundle, he is still 
the father, though this is seldom the case as a third person must always 
be called on to lead the transfer. 

Should one of the men be single, he must secure a female relative to take 
the woman's part and in consequence she would be identified with the bundle 
so long as he owned it. Weasel-tail suits, hair-lock suits, shields and many 
small bundles do not require a woman, but with these exceptions the owner's 
wife has a definite place and function. Thus, a transfer ceremony requires 
at least six persons : the owner and his wife, the prospective owner and his 
wife, and the conductor of the transfer ceremony and wife. A man is not 
supposed to transfer his own bundle. The relation of father and son, mother 
and daughter, reminds one of the adoption feature of the Dakota hunka. 
On the other hand, the Dakota make this adoption the primary phase of 
the ceremony, whereas among the Blackfoot, it is an empty form. Among 
the Omaha, Pawnee, and perhaps other tribes, bundles change hands at 
the death of their owner and usually pass by inheritance to the nearest of 
kin. Now, the hereditary feature is wanting among the Blackfoot. It is 
true that among them a son may receive the bundle of a deceased father 
but only after the proper transfer ceremony has been performed. The 
chances are, however, that it will go to a stranger. Any way the universal 
tendency to transfer all bundles to anyone whatsoever, even though alien, 
is conclusive evidence of the non-hereditary character of Blackfoot bundle 
ownership. Finally, we seem to have the transfer conception displacing 
the usual hereditarv form of bundle transmission. 



1912.] Wissler, Blackfoot Bundles. 279 



GENERAL DISCUSSION. 

It remains to place the Blackfoot in Plains culture with respect to indi- 
vidually owned rituals. A resume of the literature for this area brings to 
hand nothing strictly comparable to the Blackfoot scheme, but even where 
parallels are suggested the information is so meager or fragmentary that no 
■definite statement can be made. On the other hand, the fundamental 
conceptions in bundle rituals are so in evidence among the Blackfoot, that 
€ven their objective characters could scarcely escape the notice of a naive 
observer: whence, it seems likely that if such were to be found among other 
tribes some references would find their way into our literature. Such 
traces have come to notice for the Pawnee, the Dakota, the Gros Ventre, 
the Cheyenne, and the Hidatsa. If we take the very general conception 
•of a ritualistic bundle we may add the Omaha, Arapaho, Crow, Plains Cree, 
Assiniboine, Menomini, Sauk and Fox, Winnebago, and Osage. No doubt 
there are still others. In this survey, we exclude the mere bundle of acces- 
sories, or outfits, often carried by a doctor or a shaman as the tools of his 
trade. We have pointed out that the Blackfoot pipe bundle was of a dis- 
tinct type with quite a restricted distribution (p. 165). Again, we found 
hints of a Hidatsa parallel to the iniskim bundle (p. 244). On the other 
hand, the finding of certain Blackfoot bundles among the Sarsi, Gros 
Ventre, and the Ft. Belknap Assiniboine rather emphasizes the Blackfoot 
claim to priority in their development because of known contact relation- 
ships. With this we almost exhaust the known specific correspondences. 

Mr. Skinner found numerous bundles among the Menomini, but chiefly 
for war. These are true bundles with which are associated song rituals, 
said to originate in a supernatural experience; but here the resemblance 
to the Blackfoot bundle seems to end. The transfer conception does not 
appear. According to Skinner, the Winnebago had analogous bundles, 
also the Sauk and Fox and the Omaha, but there is no detailed information 
available. Mr. Grinnell reports similar bundles among the Pawnee and 
Dr. Speck among the Osage. Mr. Harrington collected some of these south- 
ern types which, so far as we know, are analogous to the Menomini. Some 
Osage bundles examined by the writer were strikingly like the Menomini 
bundles collected by Mr. Skinner. Hence, we may say tentatively that 
we have here another type of bundle with little evidence of historic relation- 
ship to the Blackfoot type. 

Again, what Rev. W^ilson reports on a series of objects from the Hidatsa 



280 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. VII, 

does not give us a bundle of the Blackfoot type. His shrine is, it is true, a 
kind of bundle but his medicine bag is but a receptacle containing various 
small groups, each of which would be either considered a separate bundle 
by the Blackfoot or the whole as a doctor's outfit. While many details 
noted by Wilson are nearer the Blackfoot than anything we have so far 
encountered, the differences are very great. On the other hand, Wilson 
has given us oral information to the effect that something like the Blackfoot 
transfer conception exists, though apparently not so formalized and funda- 
mental. 

Turning now to Grinnell's account of the Cheyenne arrows and hat we 
find about the same methods of handling bundles as practised by the 
Blackfoot. Many of the details are strikingly alike; for example the taboos, 
as keeping dogs out of the tipi, striking the poles as a warning, not to spit 
inside, etc. ; again, the rules for handling the bundles are similar, as taking 
in and out morning and night, moving around in the direction of the sun, 
etc. On the other hand, the idea of ownership seems different, lacking the 
extreme individual character of the Blackfoot and showing no similar con- 
ception of the transfer.^ 

The same writer's remarks on the Pawnee are likewnse suggestive. 

"In the lodge or house of every Pawnee of influence, hanging on the west side, 
and so opposite the door, is the sacred bundle neatly wrapped in buckskin, and black 
with smoke and age. What these bundles contain we do not know. Sometimes, 
from the ends, protrude bits of scalps, and the tips of pipe stems and slender sticks, 
but the whole contents of the bundle are known only to the priests and to its owner — 
perhaps, not always even to him. The sacred bundles are kept on the west side of 
the lodge, because, being thus furthest from the door, fewer people will pass by them 
than if they were hung in any other part of the lodge. Various superstitions attach 
to these bundles. In the lodges where certain of them are kept it is forbidden to put 
a knife in the fire; in others, a knife may not be thrown; in others, it is not permitted 
to enter the lodge with the face painted; or again, a man cannot go in if he has 
feathers tied in his head. 

On certain sacred occasions the bundles are opened, and their contents form part 
of the ceremonial of worship." - 

The opening of the Blackfoot pipe bundles at the first thunder in the 
spring has also a Pawnee parallel: — 

"In the old days when they had buffalo meat, they used to make a sacrifice at 
the time of the first thunder in the spring. The next day after it had thundered, 
all the people would go into the sacred lodge, where the sacred bundles were kept 
at that time. When they had all come together, the priest would open the bundles 
and take out the sacred things, among which were Indian tobacco and some little 
pieces of scalp tied to a stick." ■ 

1 Grinnell, (d). 542-577. 

2 Grinnell, (e), .351-3.52. 

3 Grinnell, (e), 360. 



1912.] Wissler, Blackfool Bundles. 281 

All this sounds very much like Blackfoot. On the other hand, it should 
be noted that the pipe ceremony (hako) of the Pawnee is not of the 
Blackfoot type and that some of these bundles seem to be war bundles 
and, hence, likely to be of the :Menomini type. P'urther, the Blackfoot 
association of tobacco planting with the beaver ritual, the beaver owners, 
astronomical duties, the thunder offerings of the pipe bundles, in a way 
recall Pawnee traits, but are on the other hand rather secondary associa- 
tions in the Blackfoot scheme. Hence, while there are hints of affinities 
between the Pawnee and Blackfoot bundles, a conclusion must await further 
information. 

Among the Pawnee there seem to be village bundles and among tlie 
Winnebago clan bundles, the keepers of which were so chosen as to keep 
them within their respective clans. ^ Something like this has been reported 
for the Sauk and Fox and the Hidatsa. Nothing of this kind appears among 
the Blackfoot, for neither their bands nor tribal chvisions look upon bundles 
as other than individual possessions. In the transfer they pass readily 
from Piegan to Blood or North Blackfoot, or even to a Sarsi or Gros Ventre. 

The Blackfoot sun dance is inseparably associated with the ritual to a 
bundle; this has its analogies among the Hidatsa and Crow, also among 
the Cheyenne, Arapaho, and Kiowa. On the other hand, this feature is 
wanting in the sim dance of the Dakota group, suggesting a line of clea\'age 
here also. 

The distribution of dry painting (p. 254) and other facts suggest looking 
to the southwest for analogies. Bundles with rituals have not been reported, 
to our knowledge, among the Pueblo tribes. Among the Navajo, the 
shamans have bundles of an objective form suggesting the Blackfoot type 
but these are described as merely receptacles for materials needed in cere- 
monies.- The so-called chants have, it is true, certain general resemblances 
to the song rituals of the Blackfoot, but there the parallel ends. The Navajo 
mythical conceptions and symbols are of the southwest type and foreign 
to the Northern Plains. Even the resemblance of the dry painting on Black- 
foot incense altars to the chant paintings of the Navajo is very general. 
The dry paintings of the Arapaho, Cheyenne, Dakota, and Blackfoot are 
much more alike among themselves than any one of them is like the Navajo 
type. It may all be that the idea of dry painting came in from the south- 
west, but its ceremonial associations are different among these Plains tribes. 

Returning to the Blackfoot and looking at their whole series of bundle 
rituals we are impressed by the uniformity of structure suggesting that all 
sprang from one parent conception. Naturally, direct evidence for this 



' Radin, 213. 

2 Franciscan Fathers, 382. 



282 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. VII, 

is lacking. The size, scope, and functions of the beaver bundle rituals all 
lead us to the assumption that it was the first formulated one and that the 
others have been constructed on the same general plan. However this 
may be, a recognized bundle scheme exists and holds for all. Thus, we find 
shields, headdresses, and shirts of the common Plains type associated with a 
bundle ritual of the Blackfoot type. We believe this is best explained on 
the assumption that such objects were conceived of as in some way associated 
with the supernatural and that their initial owners were placed in rapport 
with it, which to them implied the transfer ceremony. We were told that 
objects captured in war were often regarded as bundles for which rituals 
were subsequently dreamed or perhaps consciously constructed (p. 136). 
The bundle scheme is so well known that most every Blackfoot tends to 
interpret objects prized by others as bundles and to expect a ritual, whence 
it follows that in many cases a ritual will be forthcoming. There can be 
little doubt that the unusual development of the social and investment 
character of the bundle transfer, has been an important factor in the crystal- 
lization of the fundamental transfer conception and its general diffusion 
among the whole people. 



1912.] Wissler, Blackfoot Bundles. 283 



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Vol. 20, pp. 121-131, 195-206.) 

(c) The Whirlwind and the Elk in the Mythology of the Dakota. 

(Journal of American Folk-Lore, Vol. 18, October- 
December, 1905.) 

(d) Some Protective Designs of the Dakota. (Anthropological 

Papers, American Museum of Natural History, 1907, 
Vol. 1, Part 2, pp. 19-54.) 

(e) The Social Life of the Blackfoot Indians. (Anthropological 

Papers, American Museum of Natural History, 1911, 
Vol. 7, Part, pp. 1-64.) 
WissLER, Clark, and Duvall, D. C. Mythology of the Blackfoot Indians. (An- 
thropological Papers of the American Museum of 
Natural History, 1908, Vol. 2, Part 1, pp. 1-164.) 



1912.] Wissler, Blackfoot Bundles. 2So 



APPENDIX. 

Since the publication of the preceding papers on Blackfoot culture some 
additional data have come to hand together with certain miscellaneous 
information. 

Tipi Foundations. In Vol. 5, 111-114, we saw how the methods of 
setting up the first poles were of two types and had a peculiar distribution. 
We stated that the Mandan and Hidatsa used the Blackfoot method. Later 
information makes it necessary to revise this in that the Mandan formerly 
inclined to the three-pole Dakota method in contrast to the four-pole method 
of the Hidatsa. This shows a sharp line of cleavage between two neighbor- 
ing tribes, the Hidatsa standing with the Crow and Blackfoot. F'urther, 
we may add the Northern Saulteaux and the Omaha to the users of the 
four-pole foundation.^ 

Pottery. In Vol. 5, 26, it was noted that Blackfoot traditions of pottery 
were probably intrusive because of their marked similarity to statements 
from the Gros Ventre and other tribes; but a recent book by Agnes C. Laut 
on " The Conquest of the Great Northwest" quotes for the first time extracts 
from the unpublished journal of two very early visitors to the Blackfoot 
country, Anthony Hendry and Matthew Cocking. The latter states that 
the Blackfoot used earthen pots for cooking utensils and moss for tinden 
Now, all our traditional information from the Blackfoot, the information 
we doubted, seems to indicate that in the manufacture of pottery they 
employed a method of no firing, that is, the vessel was shaped, dried, and 
then rubbed with fat, after which it was put upon the fire and used. Quite 
recently, Mr. Skinner secured data from the Menomini of the same tenor, 
but still more definite, leaving little room for doubt that we have here a 
rather widely distributed type of no-fired pottery. 

Origin Myth for Horses. Mr. Duvall obtained the following narrative 
said to have come from Head-carrier, long since dead : One night while two 
^irls were sitting outside their tipi one of them looked up at the stars and 
said to the other, "I wish that star that shines so brightly were a man. If 
it were, I would marry him." Some time after, she went out for wood when 
a young man approached and said to her, "I have come for you. I am 
the star you wished to marry." The girl then remembered what she had 
said and went with the man. He took her up into the sky where there was 
another land. The young man had many different animals: buffalo, moose, 

I Skinner, 119; Fletcher and La Flesche, 90. 



286 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. VII^ 

elk, bear, deer. After the couple had lived there some time, the man said 
to his wife, " I will give some of the animals to you and your people to use 
in place of dogs when traveling. First I wish you to choose from among 
the animals here." The woman chose the elks. Then the man said, "I 
will shape the elks differently from what they are now and then you may see 
them again." He drove them over a hill and removed their horns and made 
a mane and tail just like the horse. Then he drove them back to his wife. 
He made many different kinds of horses, black, white, pinto, buckskin 
colored, and roans. The woman was well pleased. He made a saddle of 
wood and told her how the rope was used with the horse. Then he rode 
one of the horses for buffalo and killed four with his bow and arrows. He 
said to his wife, "These horses will be used to run buffalo." Then he drove 
them down and took his wife to her own people. Since then the people 
have had horses which are called ponokomita, elk dog. 

To this may be added part of a tale frequently told among the Piegan 
and Blood divisions recounting the exchange of horses for guns. It opens 
with details concerning the capture of Blood women by a Cree war party^ 
but on the march four women escaped. An old Cree was sent after them. 
As he was bringing them back the women saw him stoop over to drink, 
pounced upon him and held his head under water. They went home with 
the scalp. Later, one of the Blood women and a man went to the Cree 
camp and arranged a truce. The next summer the Cree and Blood met and 
made peace and all the captive Blood women and children were returned. 
Four of the Blood were given rifles by the Cree but they did not know how 
to use them. The Cree taught them how to use them. The Blood in turn 
gave horses to the Cree who could not ride at all. Later, the Piegan ob- 
tained firearms. While some Piegan were out on the warpath they were 
attacked by a large number of Snake Indians. The Piegan fired on them 
and as they had never before seen guns they retreated. The first time the 
Piegan were fired on by the Cree they also fled from them for fear of the 
guns. All this is consistent with the belief that horses came in from the 
southwest and guns from the northeast. 

Prevention of Child Bearing. Formerly and even now, many men and 
women claim power to regulate child bearing. In most cases no drugs are 
used. The rule is to give a charm or amulet, to stand over a smudge of 
sweetgrass before retiring and to paint with the "seventh paint." One 
very common charm is in the form of a butterfly, cut somewhat like a 
Maltese cross (p. 240) and beaded. This is worn on the neck or waist. A 
snake girdle or necklace is also used. This is a quite realistic beaded object 
something like a navel amulet. The butterfly, or moth, is, however, the 
usual source of appeal. By the same power, child bearing may be promoted, 
though at the hands of another individual. — Mr. Duvall. 



1912.] Wissler, Blackfoot Bundles. 287 

Mourning for the Dead. Formerly, it was believed that after death a 
person becomes a ghost and goes to the Sand Hills. It is said they li\e 
like human beings, have lodges, horses, and other property and that they 
run mice on horseback, kill them, and use them for food just as other people 
do with buffalo. If a person die without wearing any clothes he goes to 
the Sand Hills, naked. Everything that has l)een buried with a person is 
taken to the Sand Hills. If a horse is killed soon after his death it is ridden 
to the Sand Hills. Should a person die under the influence of liquor his 
ghost will be a drinking ghost. Ghosts always annoy grave robbers. 

The people know all about ghosts because of the medicinemen and 
women who had power to talk with them. In old times it was customary 
to bury the dead with plenty so that the ghost would not be in need when he 
came to the Sand Hills. Some of the dead were left in the tipis and all the 
property left in them. Sometimes horses were killed near the tipi or a 
horse with a saddle and bridle would be killed for the ghost to ride. A few 
hours before death the person is dressed. The favorite horses of the dead 
man have their tails cropped and their manes cut. Formerly, the dead were 
buried on some high butte or the body tied in a tree, but nowadays, the dead 
are buried underground. The bodies of chiefs are generall^^ placed in a 
house built on some butte. 

Mourners wear old clothes. Formerly men wore only a blanket and 
breechclout. The hair was cut two or three inches shorter than usual and 
allowed to hang loose. They do not paint nor wear ornaments of any kind. 
Usually, they live in a small tipi. Sometimes the mourners go some dis- 
tance from the camp and cry and wail until someone makes them return. 
Some men have the little finger cut off up to the first joint or the nail. This 
is taken as a sign of great grief. Sometimes the period of mourning lasts 
from several months to a year. As a rule, owners of medicine-pipe bundles, 
beaver bundles, and other sacred bundles do not wear their mourning gar- 
ments more than four days. Then they take a sweat bath, are repainted, 
and the pipe or other sacred object returned. Sometimes bundle owners, 
when losing a member of their family become discouraged because of the 
ill luck and attempt to destroy the bundle. Bundles are sometimes buried 
with their owners. 

When a death occurred, all the household utensils were giAcn away with 
the exception of some blankets. The mourners would live in this manner 
for some time. 

At the death of a husband a woman cuts off her hair just below the 
ears but for another relative only two or three inches of hair are cut off, 
just as the men do. The hair is not braided. They also leave off their 
leggings and the legs are gashed. Formerly, it is said a widow wore a string 



288 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. VII, 

with one blue bead around each ankle. While mourning the women always 
leave off all ornaments and do not use paint on their faces. Sometimes 
mourners try to commit suicide but are usually prevented as they are 
watched closely. 

The dead are buried very soon after death, as they are feared, except 
in the case of a great chief whose body is usually kept a day or two before 
burial. Only the relatives of the dead attend to the burial as ghosts are 
much feared. To avoid much handling of a dead body a sick person is 
dressed, and his face painted a few hours before death. If a stranger assists, 
he is paid a horse. An act of this kind is usually much appreciated. 

Nowadays, the dead are buried underground but the full-bloods still 
fear the dead and do not assist with the burial. As a rule, only mixed- 
bloods are called upon to dress the corpse and attend to the interment. 
The truth is, that you could not hire an old full-blood Piegan to sit up alone 
with a corpse at any price. No matter how great a warrior he was, he would 
rather do anything than to spend the night alone with a dead person. — 
Duvall. 

Conventionalized Dandyism. When Bad-old-man, an informant, was 
young, it was customary for all wealthy young single men to be well dressed. 
They were waited on a great deal. They usually wore the most expensive 
clothing, blankets, weasel-tail suits, war-bonnets, and horn bonnets. They 
were also the owners of shields, the medicine lance, the black-covered pipe, 
and other similar medicine objects. These were usually purchased as a 
means to show their wealth. The horses they rode were decorated with 
bells; their saddle blankets were of panther skin; and their bridles much 
ornamented. On their bridles was tied a stick with pendant feathers and 
the horse bonnets were used (p. 108). These things were not used all the 
time but whenever a dance was given or the camps moved. Therefore a 
wealthy young single man was always distinguishable from others. 

In the tipi their beds were always placed on the guest side near the rear. 
When camp was to be broken, these men usually went a short distance away 
and sat on a butte or hill while the parents took down the tipi, performed 
other duties, saddled the young man's horse and lead it up to where he sat. 
They ride a short distance to one side of the rest of the people. When they 
reach camp, they wait until all is ready, when they are asked to come down 
to their tipis. They usually carry whips with two lashes, a bone or horn 
handle, and a beaded wristlet, while some carry an ornamented war club. 

These young men used to paint their lips with the white paint after meals 
to make people believe that they were not great eaters. They of course, do 
not always turn out the greatest war chiefs, for it has often happened that 
poor young men have gone on the warpath, captured horses, bought fine 



1912.] Wissler, Blackfoot Bundles. 289 

clothes, and medicine bundles and become leaders among the people. — 
Mr. Duvall. 

This is of some interest since in the older literature of the Missouri 
Area we find occasional mention of these dandies but no where any such 
clear account as the above. 



1912. 



Index. 



291 



INDEX. 



Adoption, ceremony of, 16; in the 
Dakota hunka, 278. 

Adultery, chief ground for divorce, 13; 
punishment for, 10, 11. 

Adventures, tales of, 32-36. 

All-brave dogs, songs, 272. 

All-Comrade societies, playing hand- 
game, 59; songs of the, 266. 

Ammonites, 243. 

Amulets, navel-cord, origin of, 91; to 
prevent child-bearing, 286. 

Amusements, 53-58. 

Animals, represented in beaver bundle, 
190. 

Antelope song, in medicine-pipe ritual, 
142. 

Arapaho, 3, 4, 5, 62, 94, 160, 163, 167, 
245. 

Arikara, 167, 168, 271, 272. 

Armlets, for owner of bear knife, 13. 

Arrow, games, 55; point on natoas head- 
dress, 211. 

Arrows, medicine, of the Cheyenne, 250, 
280. 

Assiniboine, 3, 4, 42, 79, 121, 135, 166, 
245. 

Art, religious, 240. 

Badger song, 217. 

Bacuhtes, 244. 

Bag, for Cree medicine, 85; for iniskim, 
243, 244; medicine, 94; for paints, 
137; for rattles in beaver ceremony, 
178. 

Band, chief, 23; circles, 4, 5. 

Bands, 18-22. 

"Batting ours" game, 58. 

Bear, imitation of in bear knife cere- 
mony, 133; imitation of in beaver 
ceremony, 186; knife, 131-134; lance, 
136, 238; play, game, 58; relation to 
medicine-pipe bundle, 164-165; re- 
strictions to naming, 52, 154; songs, 
origin of, 196-197. 



Beaver bundles, 168-209, 282; contents 
of, 169-171; function of, 175; origin 
of, 173; owner, 171-174; part owner- 
ship of, 175; place in the tipi, 169, 
172; position of in ceremony, 178; 
position of in sweat house ceremony, 
174; prestige of owner, 172; ritual, 
45, 175-200; transfer, 174-175; when 
opened, 170, 172, 175. 

Beaver medicine, 22, 75. 

Beaver ritual, mythical basis of, 190- 
200. 

Birth, customs, 28-29; marks, 28. 

Blackbird, in beaver bundle, 194. 

Black-covered pipes, 159. 

Black and yellow buffalo painted-tipis, 
230-234; origin myth for, 230-232. 

Blood, 8, 92, 94, 96, 107, 159, 160, 169. 

Bonnet, holy turnip, 214. 

Bow-spear, 136. 

Bridles, war, 107-111. 

Buffalo bull songs, 121. 

Buffalo head painted-tipi, 238. 

Buffalo rock, 204, 221; songs, 232, 233, 
237; tied in hair, 75, 229. 

Buffalo, calling the, 175, 190, 204-209, 
ritual for, 243, 244; imitation of in 
beaver ceremony, 176; pipe received 
from, 161; robe, decorated, 138; 
skull, 146, painted, 155; songs, 155, 
237; stalking of, game associated 
with, 62; stones in Hidatsa shrine, 244. 

Bull roarer, 54. 

Bull society, 116; songs, 114, 272. 

"Bunched stars," 92. 

Bundles, care of by head wife, 11; as 
investments, 277; opening of, 250; 
owners in mourning, 246-247, 287; 
ownership, non-hereditary character 
of, 278; in painted-tipis, 220; wrap- 
pings for, 246. 

Burial, of bundles with their owners, 
162, 163, 165; methods of, 31, 287, 288. 

Butcher, conferring the right to, 161. 



292 



Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. VII, 



Butterfly, appealed to in dreams, 82; 

to prevent child-bearing, 286. 
Buzzer, of bone, 54. 

Calendars, 45-50. 

Calumet, 168. 

Camp, breaking of, 154; circle, 22. 

Catchers society, 159. 

Ceremonial culture, 69. 

Ceremonies, of adoption, 16; connected 
with naming of children, 16-17; 
place of men and women in tipi, 215; 
upon receiving a bundle after mourn- 
ing, 248. 

Chants, resemblance to song rituals of 

^' the Blackfoot, 281. 

Charm, against the enemy, 89; eagle's 
head, origin of, 95; otterskin, 96-98; 
to prevent child-bearing, 286. 

Charming-the-buflfalo songs, 207. 

Charms, manner of securing, 104; per- 
sonal, 91-106, 268; willingness to sell, 
104. 

Cheering (or praise) songs, 263, 266. 

Cheyenne, 4, 5, 22, 167, 250, 272. 

Chicken song, 145. 

Child-bearing, prevention of, 73, 286. 

Children, care and training of, 29-30. 

Chipewyan, 62. 

Clan bundles, among the Winnebago, 
281. 

Cooking, by beaver bundle owners, 173. 

Cooperative hunt, division of meat from, 
27. 

Counting sticks, 45, 169, 171, 193; draw- 
ing of, 174. 

Coup, counting of, 60; practice, 36-37, 
40^1; stick, 42. 

Courtship, 8-9. 

Cradle songs, 264. 

Cree, 86, 89, 90, 136, 167, 286. 

Cree medicine, 9, 11, 82, 85-90. 

Cree women, ball game, 58. 

Crow, 4, 62, 82, 117, 163, 167, 202, 272, 
285. 

Crow-has-waters society, 169. 

Crows, power over weather, received 
from, 82. 

Cuhn, Stewart, 62. 



Dakota, 5, 8, 9, 16, 28, 32, 42, 45, 50, 
112, 114, 117, 126, 159, 285. 

Dance association, songs, 266. 

Dances, social, 53. 

Dancing, 250-251; in beaver ceremony, 
177, 183, 184, 185, 186, 190; before 
going to war, 267; in ceremony to 
open a pipe bundle, 150; group, 251; 
in horse medicine ceremony, 109; with 
medicine-pipe, 150, 151; motions, in 
war-bonnet transfer, 115; in shield 
transfer, 117. 

Dandyism, conventionalized, 288-289. 

Dead, beUefs regarding the, 287; fear 
of, 288; power received from the, 
85. 

Death, 30-32; symbol for, 40. 

Decorations, on buffalo head painted- 
tipi, 238; on otter flag paint ed-tipi, 
222; on snake painted-tipi, 237; 
symbolic, on shields, 117, 119; on 
tipis, 239-241; on winter painted-tipi, 
237. 

Defense song, 173. 

Designs, on shields, 123-124. 

Digging stick, sacred, in natoas, 210. 

Distant-husbands, 186. 

Distant-wives, 20, 186; relations, 12, 
14, 16. 

Divorce, 9, 13-14. 

Doctor, term defined, 71-72, 270. 

Doctor's formulae, untransferable, 273; 
song, 263, 270. 

Dog, fear of by pipe-men, 153; medicine 
received from, 85; song, in beaver 
ceremony, 184. 

Dorsey, J. Owen, 241. 

Dream, experiences, 92; interpretation, 
of, 101-102; origin of pipe, 161; to 
purchase a pipe, 162; seeking of, 104; 
songs originating in, 263. 

Drums, in bear knife transfer, 133; in 
beaver bundle, 173; in horse medicine 
ceremony, 109; in medicine-pipe 
ceremony, 141; in otter flag painted- 
tipi, 223, 226; power to use, 150; re- 
ceived from the sun, 72; from a rock, 
77; in smoking-otter transfer, 128; 
in Southern Gros Ventre pipe transfer, 



1912.] 



Index. 



293 



161; in war-bonnet transfer, 115; 

in weasel-tail suit transfer, 112. 
Dry painting, 220, 257; distribution of, 

28. 
Duvall, D. C, 3, 69, 108. 

Eagle feather, in medicine-pipe cere- 
mony, 144. 

Eagle tipi, origin of, 238. 

Ear-piercing, ceremony of, 30. 

Eastern pipe, 159; origin of, 163. 

Elk song, in medicine-pipe ritual, 142. 

Elk woman, originator of the natoas, 
211-214, 215. 

Etiquette, 51-52. 

Experiences, transferring, of three Pie- 
gan men, 273-276. 

Face painting, associated with otterskin 
charm, 98; of bear knife owner, 132; 
in medicine-pipe ceremony, 144, 151; 
of pipe owner, 168; in sun dance, 74, 

Fan, of feathers, with medicine-pipe, 160. 

Father, name for transferrer, 278. 

Feast, for beaver men, 175, 200; horse 
medicine owners', 109. 

Fees, for bundles, 276-277; for face 
painting in opening pipe bundle, 151; 
for hair-lock suits, 113; to medicine- 
pipe owner, 151; for never-sit.s- 
down shield, 121; in shield transfer, 
119; for snake painted-tipi, 238. 

Flageolet, used in courtship, 9. 

Flathead, 167. 

"Flat pipe," 167. 

Food, offered to a guest, 52. 

Forced, purchase of pipe bundle, 155, 
156, 157; transfers, 177. 

Formula, to restore life, 270-271. 

Foundations, of tipis, 285. 

Four-head buffalo yellow painted-tipi, 
238. 

Four movements, 20, 143, 144, 155, 157, 
180, 183, 185, 206, 218, 219, 247. 

Four-stick game, 60-62. 

Gambling, 59-62. 
Games, 53-58. 
Gentes, 18, 19. 



Ghosts, belief regarding, 79. 

Grass dance songs, 263, 271. 

Great Dipper, 94. 

Grinnell, George Bird, 9, 21, 122, 230, 

243, 279. 
Gros Ventre, 3, 4, 22, 42, 60, 62, 94, 

131, 163, 165, 166, 245, 272, 281. 
Guests, etiquette towards, 51-52. 

Hair dress, medicine, 92; in shield 
transfer, 119; for winter painted-tipi 
owner, 236, 237. 

Hair-fringe shirt, ceremonial nature of, 
113. 

Hair-lock suits, 112-114; origin of, 112; 
transfer of, 112-113. 

Hair ornament, 92. 

Hako, 167, 168, 281. 

Hand-game, 58-59, 62. 

Hat, Cheyenne, 280. 

Headdresses, 114-116; for medicine- 
pipe owner, 138; natoas, 211; of 
running-fisher skin, 98-99; sun dance, 
213; of white buffalo calf skin, 144, 
189. 

Heart Butte, 72, 75. 

Hemorrhage, cured by carved wooden 
image, 84. 

Head-men, function of, 23, 24. 

Heraldry, 36-44. 

Hidatsa, 62, 244, 279, 281, 285; shrine, 
280. 

Hobby-horse, 53-54. 

Holes, for stones in sweat house, shapes 
of, 258. 

Horn bonnets, 114. 

Horses, as ceremonial gifts, 49, 156, 253- 
254; as fees in medicine-pipe cere- 
mony, 151; exchange of for guns, 
286; formula for stealing, 110; intro- 
duction of, 253, 254; medicine, 87, 
89, 108-111, 161; medicine ceremony, 
109; medicinemen, power exerted by, 
110; medicine songs, 272; number of 
paid for a painted-tipi, 236; origin 
myth for, 285-286; painting of, 131, 
133, 146, 153; song, 144. 

Hunka, 144. 

Images, wooden, to cure hemorrhage, 84. 



294 



Anthropological Papers American Museum oj Natural History. [Vol. VII, 



Individual experiences, non-transferable, 
273. 

Individual ownership, of medicine bun- 
dles, 107. 

luiskim, 204, 209, 221 ; in beaver bundle, 
183; bundle, in otter tipi, 227; having 
offspring, 243, 245; large, visited for 
prayers and offerings, 244 ; origin myths 
for, 243 ; in otter painted-tipi transfer, 
228; received from beaver men, 233, 
234; in snake painted-tipi, 237, 238; 
songs, in otter painted-tipi transfer, 
229; in water monster painted-tipi, 
238; wide distribution of, 242-245. 

Ivainaw", origin of term, 7. 
Kane, Paul, 165. 
Kiowa, 45, 50. 
Kootenai, 62. 
Kroeber, A. L., 3, 165. 

Labor, division of, 27-28. 

Laut, Agnes C, 253, 285. 

Linguistic differences, among divisions 
of Blackfoot, 8. 

Lizard songs, in beaver ceremony, 197- 
199. 

Lowie, Robert H., 3, 70. 

Mackenzie, Alexander, 165. 

Maltese cross, on painted-tipis, 240. 

Mandan, 271, 272, 285. 

Marriage, formal ceremony, 10, 86; its 
obligations, 9-11; within one's band, 
19. 

McCUntock, Walter, 140, 190. 

Medicine, bags, 87, 94; on birchbark, 
90; experiences, 71-90; of the minks, 
80; personal, 91-106; leading ques- 
tion as to, 52. 

Medicine bundles, 69, 107-254; care of 
by wife, 11; defined, 107; destruction 
of at death, 31 ; of horse medicinemen, 
109. 

Medicine lance, 134-136; history of, 135. 

Medicine, man, 51, 71, 78, 98; woman, 
214. 

Medicine-pipe, 136-168, 211, 226; bun- 
dle, 111, contents of, 138-139; cere- 
mony at first thunder, 147; dancing 



with, 143, 148; men, seat in the tipi, 
51; owner, 152-155; prayer to dead 
owne'-s, 252; songs, 161, 189, 271. 

Medicines, in foot races, 89; used in 
stick game, 89; transfer of, 11. 

Menomini, 279, 285. 

Menstrual customs, 29. 

Mice, in beaver bundle, 195. 

Michelson, Dr. Truman, 70. 

Milk River, 77. 

Missouri-Saskatchewan area, ethno- 
graphic survey of, 3. 

Moon, appearance of as indication of 
weather, 171; songs, 186-189, 272; 
woman, 76. 

Mooney, James, 22, 125. 

Morningstar, 73, 74, 76, 92; power 
received from, 74. 

Moth, appealed to in dreams, 82. 

Mother-in-law taboo, 12-13; removal 
of, 13. 

Mourning, 84, 287; customs, 30-32; 
owners of bundles, 173, 246-247. 

Mouthpiece, used in smoking medicine- 
pipe, 150. 

Murie, James, 271, 272. 

Music, in beaver ceremony, 190. 

Myths, relating to beaver bundles, 190- 
200. 

Names, 16-18; changing of, 17; of 
persons partaking in transfers, 215. 

Natoas, 194, 209-220; contents of, 209; 
necessary accessories to, 211 ; origin of, 
211; relation to the beaver bundle, 
211-215; ritual, 215-220; women as 
owners of, 251. 

Natoji, 103. 

Navajo, 281. 

Navel-cord amulets, origin of, 91. 

Necklace, 100; hair-lock, 213; of human 
hair, 194; in natoas ceremony, 219; 
shell, given in a dream, 73; a war 
medicine, 92. 

Never-sits-down shield, 119; origin 
myth for, 120-121. 

Nez Perc6, 4, 62; bag, 170, 211. 

Niwaxsax, beliefs concerning, 201. 

Northern Saulteaux, 285. 

Northern Shoshone, 4. 



1912.] 



Index. 



295 



Oaths, 51. 

Offering songs, 231, 232, 233. 

Ojibway, 4, 5. 

Old Man, 12. 

Omaha, 167, 285. 

Opening of pipe bundle, 140, 142-143. 

Ornament, for the hair, 92. 

Origin, of medicine-pipes, 162-165; 
myth, for black and yellow buffalo 
painted-tipis, 230-232; of otter-flag 
painted-tipi, 222; of winter painted- 
tipi, 234-235. 

Osage, 279. 

Otter, bundles, 126-131; carr3^ing strap 
pipe, 161-162. 

Otter-flag painted-tipi, 222-227; bundle, 
care of, 227; origin of, 222. 

Otter painted-tipi, 227-229; right to 
take down, 229; songs, 271; transfer, 
227-229. 

Owl, in medicine bundle, 150; power 
received from, 81, 94. 

Ownership, of bundles by women, 250- 
251; of pipe bundles, benefits de- 
rived from, 152. 

Paint, used by pipe owner, 146. 

Painted lodges, 37. 

Painted-tipis, 220-241; manner of de- 
struction, 227, 241. 

Painting, 251; of bear knife owner, 133; 
in beaver ceremony, 176; in black 
buffalo painted-tipi transfer, 232; 
for eagle head charm, 95; for hair- 
lock suit purchaser, 112; for horse 
medicine ceremony, 110; medicine 
lance owner, 134; for medicine-pipe, 
145, 148; in natoas transfer, 219, 220; 
never-sits-down shield purchaser, 121; 
for otter-flag painted-tipi, 223; in 
otter painted-tipi transfer, 228; shield 
purchaser, 117, 119; in smoking-otter 
transfer, 128, 130; in snake painted- 
tipi transfer, 238; songs, 145, 225; of 
war-bonnet purchaser, 115; in weasel- 
tail suit transfer. 111; of winter 
painted-tipi owner, 236. 

Paints, for medicine-pipe, 146-147. 

Pawnee, 167, 168, ^50, 271, 272, 279, 280. 

Peace-pipe, 168. 



Pend D'Oreillc, 254. 

Piaks kai6sin, fancy gambling, 59. 

Picture writing, 36-44; conventions in, 
42; on tipi cover, 37. 

Piegan, 3, 7, 21, 22, 53, 79, 87, 89, 90, 
94, 121, 134, 160. 

Pipe, lore, 162; man, place in the tipi, 
141; manner of holding by pipe man, 
164; otter-flag painted-tipi owner's, 
223; owner, utensils used by, 137; 
passing the, 248; position of before 
beaver man, 174; tied in owner's hair, 
159; used in seeking dreams, 104. 

Pipe bundle, 279; care of by owner, 
153-155; carried to war, 151; con- 
struction of by pipe man, 163; func- 
tion of, 147-152; opening of at first 
thunder, 280; origins of, 162-165; 
position of in sweat house ceremonj', 
146; position in the tipi, 137, 154; 
transfer of, 155-158; varieties of, 
158-162; vow to open, 148; when 
opened, 147. 

Pipestem, in beaver bundle, 181, 182; 
for medicine-pipe, 137. 

Plants, used on smudge altar, 255. 

Plateau area, 62. 

Pleiades, 92, 237, 240. 

Ponca, 167. 

Potential wives, 12. 

Pottery, use of by the Blackfoot, 285. 

Power, of beaver men over water, 172; 
conferred on medicine-pipe owner; 
157-158; secured from various ani- 
mals, 81; transfer of in dreams, 103; 
to stop bleeding, 77. 

Prairie chicken songs, origin of, 196-197. 

Prayers, 252-253; calling the buffalo, 
205, 207; in medicine-pipe ceremony, 
147, 150; for protection against hght- 
ning, 148; at sound of first thunder, 
147. 

Praying, in beaver ceremony, 180, 184; 
in otter-flag painted-tipi transfer, 226. 

Prohibitions, observed by pipe bundle 
owners, 153. 

Property rights, 26-27. 

Protective designs, on shields, power of, 
125. 

Puberty ceremonies, 30. 



296 



Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. VII, 



Purchase, of pipe bundles, announce- 
ment of, 156; ways of, 155. 

Quirt, for war bridle, 107. 

Rattles, in beaver ceremony, 190; for 
black buffalo painted-tipi, 233; in 
hair-lock suit transfer, 112; in medi- 
cine-pipe bundle, dancing with, 150; 
song for, 216. 

Rawhide, for beating rattles, 170, 178, 
179, 190, 192, 200; song for, 216; 
case, for natoas, 211; case, for pipe 
bundles, 160. 

Receiving sign, 151, 178, 179, 181; 207, 
208, 247. 

Reckoning time, 44-50. 

Relationship, 14-16; terms of, 15. 

Restrictions, against singing, by women, 
264. 

Ritual, bear knife, decline of, 132; for 
beaver bundle, 17.5-200; for buffalo 
head painted-tipi, 238; to call the 
buffalo, 233; classes of, for painted- 
tipis, 221; formula of transfer from a 
supernatural person, 251; of indi- 
vidual ownership, 69, 107; for medi- 
cine lance, 136; for medicine-pipe, 
140-146; origin of, 100-106; of pipe 
bundles, 158; for shield, 117, 119; 
uniformity of structure, 281. 

Robe, medicineman's, 98. 

Rock, gives power to cure disease, 77. 

Rules, observed by owner of medicine 
lance, 135; by owner of smoking-otter, 
131. 

Running fisher tipi, 80. 

"Running a-mok," 32. 

Saam, 69, 114. 
Sarsi, 134, 161, 165, 281. 
Sauk and Fox, 281. 
Scabby-round-robe, 185, 192. 
Scalp, dance, 147, 266; shirt, 113; tak- 
ing of, symbol for, 40. 
Scar-face, 112, 214, 215, 219, 259. 
Scout songs, 266. 
Seasons, 44. 

Shaman, term defined, 270. 
Shields, 117-126; conventional method 



of carrying, 117; transfer, 117; 
wide distribution of Plains type, 125. 

Shinny, 58. 

Shoshone, 26, 62. 

Shushwap, 62. 

Signalling code, 44. 

Signs, system of, 43-44. 

Skinner, Alanson, 279. 

Skunk, children's game, 58; game, song 
used in, 264; power secured from, 81; 
song, 144. 

Sliding arrow, game, 56. 

Smoking, di.slike of thunder for, 147; 
formal, 226, 248; by pipe bundle 
owners, 153; in smoking-otter trans- 
fer, 129. 

Smoking-otter, bundle, origin of, 126; 
owner, place in tipi, 131; transfer, 
127, 129. 

Smudge, 78, 79, 95; altar, 254-257; 
in bear knife transfer, 132, 133; in 
beaver bundle ceremonies, 170, 174, 
176, 177, 178, 255; for black and 
yellow buffalo painted-tipis, 232, 234; 
for buffalo painted-tipis, 257; calling 
the buffalo, 205, 207; for catcher's 
pipe, 255; for Cree medicine, 88; for 
four-head buffalo yellow painted-tipi, 
2.38; hair-lock suits, 112, 255; for 
horse medicine ceremony, 109; for 
medicine-pipe, 142, 149, 153, 155; for 
natoas, 194, 219, 220, 256; for never- 
sits-down shield, 121; in otter painted- 
tipi transfer, 228, 229; for otter-flag 
painted-tipi, 223, 225; for shields, 
117, 119, 120; for snake painted-tipi, 
237; for smoking-otter, 128,255; song, 
116, 127, 215; stick, 137, 150, 180; 
for war-bonnet, 115, 116; for weasel- 
tail suit, 111; for winter painted-tipi, 
236. 

Snake Indians, 286. 

Snake, painted-tipi, transfer of, 237-238. 

Societies, men's, as poUce, 26. 

Son, name for transferee, 278. 

Songs, 263-272; in bear knife transfer, 
132; in beaver ceremony, 176, 177, 178, 
179-186, number of; 190, origin of, 
191; beaver medicine, 75 ; bull society, 
114; calling the buffalo, 205-208; 



1912. 



Index. 



297 



compared with Pawnee and Arikara, 
271-272; deliberate composing of, 
104; eagle head charm, 95-96; of 
general ownershif), 265, 266-268; 
given by the sun, 72; grouping and 
symbolism of, 271; in hair-lock suit 
ritual, 112, 113; in hand-game, 59; 
horse medicine. 111; medicine-pipe, 
141, 146; in natoas transfer, 215-219; 
for never-sits-down shield. 121; open- 
ing of medicine-pipe bundle, 142-143, 
149-150, 155; in otter-flag painted- 
tipi transfer, 224-226; in otter 
paint ed-tipi transfer, 227, 228, 229; 
for otterskin charm, 96-98; received 
from bulls, 82; for smoking-otter 
bundle, 128-130; for Southern Gros 
Ventre medicine-pipe, 160; transfer- 
able, 265, 268-269; vital part of 
ritual, 103-104; war, 112; war-bonnet, 
115, 116; war bridle, 108; for war 
charm, 96; weasel-tail suit transfer, 
112; for wife beating, 173; in winter 
painted-tipi transfer, 236. 

Southern Gros Ventre, 164; medicine- 
pipe, 160; transfer of , 161. 

Speck, Dr. F. G., 279. 

Spinden, Dr. H. J., 125. 

Stick game, 89, 264; medicine u-sed in, 
89; songs, 266, 271. 

Stones, hot, power to handle, 77. 

Straight pipe, in beaver bundle, 171. 

Straight-up bonnets, 114. 

Sun, called upon in oaths, 51; dance, 10, 
17, 22, 30, 73, 74, 76, 219, 247, 251, 
281; dance bundle, 169, 175, 190, 
209-220; dance songs, 272; gives 
song and drum, 72; offering songs, 100, 
233, 258, 269-270; offerings to the, 
106, 192, 270; prayer to, 253; shield 
cover as an offering to, 119; symbol, 
240; vowin thenameof, 148; woman, 
92. 

Stm-wise movements, 120, 143, 153, 154, 
223, 237, 248. 

Sweat house, 75, 146, 257-262; for 
bear knife transfer, 132; for beaver 
bundle, 174; for black buffalo painted- 
tipi transfer, 232; for black and yellow 
buffalo painted-tipis, 234; for hair- 



lock suits, 112; for medicine-pipe, 146, 
155; mythical origin of, 259-262; one 
hundred willow, 259; for otter painted- 
tipi tran.sfer, 227; for shield, 120; 
for smoking-otter, 127; songs, 128, 
179, 192, 269-270; sun dance, 257; in 
war-bonnet transfer, 114; for winter 
painted-tipi transfer, 236. 
Sweet Grass Hills, 74, 78, 161. 

Taboos, 52; against counting songs in 
beaver ceremony, 190; boar knife 
owner's, 133; beaver bundle owners', 
172-174; bundle owners', 248—250; 
for owner of black buffalo painted- 
tipi, 233; for Cheyenne arrows and 
hat, 280; distant-wife, 12; for horse 
medicine owner, 108; for medicine 
lance owner, 135; medicine bundle, 
29; medicine-pipe, 153, 164; mother- 
in-law, 12-13; for otter painted-tipi 
owner, 229 ; penalties for disregarding, 
249; shield, 120; for the smoking- 
otter owner, 131; for snake painted- 
tipi, 238; war-bonnet, 116; on the 
warpath, 110-111; for winter painted- 
tipi, 237. 

Tail-feather songs, 113, 269-270. 

Tales, of adventure, 32-36. 

Tea dance, song, 271. 

Teton, 32, 54, 166, 167, 168, 241. 

Teton-Dakota, 4, 113, 125. 

Teton River, 76. 

Thompson, 62. 

Thunder, ceremony, preparation for, 
148; charm against, 94; pipe, 136, 
163; prayers to, 151, 252-253; rela- 
tion to medicine-pipe, 147, 165; sweat 
house hole, symbolic of, 146; tipi 
given by, 238. 

Thunder bird, gives medicine-pipe, 161; 
gives power over weather, 74, 76. 

Time, reckoning of, 44-50. 

Tipi, decorations, 239-241; founda- 
tions, 285; right to take down, 233. 

Tobacco, in beaver bundle, 172, 196; 
in medicine-pipe bundle, 137, 147, 148; 
planting, ceremonial, 169, 190, 200- 
204, 281; songs, in beaver ceremony, 
189. 



298 



Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. VII. 



Toboggan, of buffalo ribs, 54. 

Top, game, 54-55. 

Torture feature, in bear knife transfer, 
132, 133. 

Transfer, 272-278; of bear knife, 132; 
of beaver bundle, 174-175; of black 
buffalo painted-tipi, 232; forced, 132; 
of hair-lock suits, 112; of medicine- 
pipe, 157; of natoas, 215-220; of never- 
sits-dovra shield, 120; of otter- flag 
painted-tipi, 223-226; of otter painted- 
tipi, 227; of pipe bundle, 155-158; of 
power in dreams, 103; of smoking- 
otter bundle, 127-131; of snake- 
painted tipi, 237-238; of Southern 
Gros Ventre pipe, 161; typical an- 
nouncement of, 278; of war-bonnet, 
114-116; of weasel-tail suits, 111-112; 
of winter painted-tipi, 236-237. 

Transferring experiences, of three Piegan 
men, 273-276. 

Travois, 74; for carrying beaver bundle, 
174; gambling, 60, 62 ; for pipe bundle, 
154; sign, 43. 

Tribal, chief, 25 ; divisions of the Black- 
foot, 7-8; organization and control, 
23-26. 

Tribes, where bundles are found, 279. 

Two Medicine, 80. 

Uhlenbeck, Prof. C. C, 70. 

Victory songs, 266, 271. 

Village bundles, among the Pawnee, 281. 

Vow, dancing song in making, 145; to 
open a beaver bundle, 172; for the 
opening of a pipe bundle, 148, 149; to 
purchase a beaver bundle, 174; to 
purchase a medicine lance, 135; to 
purchase a pipe bundle, 155; to pur- 
chase a winter painted-tipi, 236. 

Walker, Dr. J. R., 167. 
Wand, of raven feathers, 100. 



War-bonnet, 82, 114-116; bridles, 107- 
111; bundles, Menomini, 279; charm, 
94, 96; deeds, counting of, 141, 157, 
161, 182, 185. 218, 266; medicine, 92, 
160; paint, of medicine lance owner, 
135; party, return of, 44; pipe, 160, 
161, 162; songs, 112, 116, 134, 226, 
229, 238, 268, non-transferable, 271. 

Water, power to use, 144. 

Water-monster tipi, 238, 239. 

Weapons, restrictions to carrying, 153. 

Weasel-tail suits, 111-112. 

Weather, control over, 72, 73, 74, 76, 
82; forecasting of by beaver men, 
171; power over, by beaver men, 202, 
208; power over, given by lizard, 199. 

Western Cree, 87, 165. 

Wheel gambhng game, 60, 181. 

Wheel game, 57. 

Whistle, bone, transfer of, 130; of 
eagle bone, 95; received from niom- 
ingstar, 73. 

Whizzing bone, 54. 

Wife, of beaver man, relation to bundle, 
172; of pipe man, 152, 158; purchase, 
9-10. 

Wives, distant, 12; lending of, 11; 
plurality of, 10-12; potential, 12. 

Wilson, G. L., 279. 

Wing movement, 247, 252. 

Winnebago, 4. 

Winter counts, 45-50. 

Winter-painted-tipi, 234-237, 238; ori- 
gin of, 234-235. 

Wolf songs, 264, 266-267; origin of, 268. 

Woman's bundle, 209. 

Woman-who-married-a-star, 215. 

Women, as owners of minor objects in 
bundles, 158. 

Woodpecker, power received from, 81. 

Wounds, symbol for, 40. 

Wrappings, for bundles, 246. 

Wrestling, 58. 

Yellowstone River, 82. 



LBD19 



(Continued from Snd p. oj cover.) 

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